The man behind the mask
Profile of Sirajul Alam Khan
June 1-15, 2002, Weekly Probe
[Political activists in Bangladesh know him as dada: Sirajul Alam Khan, Perhaps one of Bangladesh’s most enigmatic politicians, has international connections far and wide. Just over 60 years old, he has almost become a living legend, to some extent because of his politics and also because of his offbeat lifestyle. He is part and parcel of this nation’s history, but somehow no one knows much about him. There has been no research on the man and his life. He remains taciturn about himself and his colleagues too are reticent to speak about him. The following account on Sirajul Alam Khan has been drawn up on the basis of informal conversations with various persons.]
There is a place in Noakhali named Khalifar Hat (the Caliph’s marketplace). Whether it has any historical connotations to the Caliphs of Islam is hard to discern, but is was here that Sirajul Alam Khan, the uncrowned Khalifa of Bangladesh’s politics, was born on January 6, 1941. A political power before even reaching 30, he perhaps is the only living legend of the country’s politics, other than perhaps Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
His father Khurshed Alam Khan was a school inspector. His mother was Syeda Zakia Khatun. When their home was washed away by the river, the Khans moved on with their nine children to settle at Alipur of Begumganj upazila. Siraj’s early education was at the local Kuripara Government Primary School and later at the Begumganj Government Pilot High School. He studied in Khulna for some time as well. In his childhood he was a good student and a good orator. He went on to study mathematics at Dhaka University.
SHAH MOAZZEM’S RECRUIT
Khan’s life in university wasn’t simply tied up in mathematics. This stocky, fair young man wasn’t just another brilliant student at Dhaka University. While in college he began growing long hair and a beard. It was Shah Moazzem who recruited’ him to student politics. Moazzem and Obaidur Rahman sensed his potential and began grooming him, particularly as a buffer to Sheikh Moni. The Cuban revolution was an inspiration to Sirajul Alam Khan at the time. Though not a disciplined communist, he was driven by a sort of nationalist revolutionary spirit which was manifested on campus in the movement against the military ruler Ayub Khan. Sirajul Alam Khan was a product of the socialist wave that swept the world in 1960-61. He was a Marxist, lived a simple life, and was self-motivated. In achieving his political goal, he was ‘not exactly a communist
…VERSUS SHEIKH MONI
Sirajul Alam Khan’s study of mathematics didn’t quite add up when the university authorities closed the doors of the department on him because of his
Page 504
anti-Ayub movement. Not only did he lose his place in university, but he lost a bit of an ear too when government backed NSF hoodlums assaulted him. But all this entrenched him more firmly in politics. There was no looking back from then on.
His tussle with Sheikh Moni became official’ when he became the General Secretary of the student front Chhatra League in 1962. Moni was backed by Mujib, while Sirajul Alam Khan proceeded forward with a secret nucleus comprising today’s Awami League leader Abdur Razzak, the late JSD leader Kazi Arif Ahmed and trade union leader of primary school teachers Abul Kalam Azad.
At a time Sheikh Mujib and Awami League were in a dilemma over whether to translate their 6-point demand into action, Siraj’s nucleus passed it in Chhatra League, adding the ’11-point demand as well. Chhatra League was gradually coming into control of those who were looking towards independence. With Iqbal Hall as his center, Sirajul Alam Khan had by then built an impenetrable stronghold in Dhaka. He could work tirelessly hour after hour, sometimes without food at all, and sometimes overeating. Politics had become his life. He had a propensity of picking up potential boys from processions and grooming them in politics. Abul Hasib Khan, a second generation JSD organizer, says, “He would not only inspire the boys in the movement to break Pakistan, but he could discern which person to use for particular tasks.” He wielded a sort of organizational ‘magic’.
Thus from 1962 till 1970 he maintained a hold over Chhatra League’s overall activities. He even organized workers at Adamjee. He would spend the day at Adamjee, the night in campus. It had become a sort of routine to him. His Public contact grew steadily. It was through him that Justice Ibrahim, Professor Razzak, Rehman Sobhan, Akhlakur Rahman and others encouraged the students towards independence. The slogan Joy Bangla and the Joy Bangla Bahini (the armed force for independence) were the creations of the Siraj group.
SHEIKH MUJIB DIDN’T KEEP HIS WORD
Right up till March 25, 1971, Siraj had been Sheikh Mujib’s main pillar of strength. Siraj felt that the nationalist movement would gain due coverage with Mujib in the forefront. Mujib would jokingly say, “He’s my Castro. It had been decided that in the event of an army crackdown, even Mujib would go to India and the contact had been set up accordingly. But when Siraj and his people waited until March 27 at Keraniganj with no sign of Mujib’s arrival, they realized that their ‘leader’ has decided to get caught. In the meantime, Tajuddin had officially taken leadership of the Liberation War. Sirajul Alam Khan had tripped up for the first time in his political career.
However he had already lined up a group of leaders before March 15. These included Abdur Razzak, Kazi Arif, Marshal Moni, Shahjahan Siraj, Rab, AF M Mahbubul Haq, Sharif Nurul Ambia and others. Other than Abdur Razzak, the rest remained loyal to him. They organized the Bangladesh Liberation Force (BLF) throughout 1971. Later he added the heroic commanders Major Jalil and Colonel Taher to this team.
Page 505
Though BLF was formed with Tajuddin’s involvement and the inclusion of Sheikh Moni, a large section of this armed force trained in Dera Doon came under Siraj’s control. He would tell his close ones. I will come up with new politics in the new nation. And that is what he did in 1973 with the creation of JSD. But after 1971. he was never seen openly speaking at public meetings. His words and inspiration were manifest through his organizers. Till its inception to 1990 JSD was conducted according to his orders. However, he says, “I have only taken three political decisions in my life. One was to fight in the Liberation War, the second was to form JSD and the third was to give support and cooperation to Earshad.
It still remains a mystery as to why Sirajul Alam Khan and Moni formed BFL and why there was this investment of funds, arms and labour parallel to the mainstream Liberation War. It is generally felt that India was not willing to keep this large section of young men, who were against Tajuddin, out of their control. This was particularly true of the pro-US lobby in the Indian administration who felt it prudent to keep watch on the pro-Chinese freedom fighters and also to pick out chosen ones among them who had visible potential. Siraj was in charge of one of BLF’s four sectors. He was also responsible for the political training of BLF.
HE COULD HAVE BEEN GENERAL SECRETARY OF AWAMI LIAGUE
There was dilemma in the relation between Mujib and Siraj, a sort of utilitarianism. After 1971, Siraj could no longer influence Mujib as much as he had done in pre-1969. Like Tajuddin, Siraj too was hurt by Mujib’s attitude, particularly when Mujib refused to visit Mujibnagar, the site so significant for the War of Liberation. The “US-oriented Mujib’ refused to bend Siraj’s “radical’ way. It is heard that Mujib had offered Siraj to become his political secretary and later General Secretary of Awami League. Why he didn’t accept this offer, or whether this would have changed Bangladesh’s history in any way, remains a million dollar question. Reportedly, twice before August 15, 1975. Awami League had asked Siraj to return to the fold, but at the time JSD was a force to contend with. Siraj perhaps wanted to take this force to its zenith.
BITTERNESS WITH INDIA AFTER NOVEMBER 7
There is no proof behind allegations that India backed the formation of JSD..But the Indian political party Socialist Unity Centre (SUC), had close ties with JSD. When JSD was gaining public footing in 1974, the party suddenly broke away from its people’s movement and took on revolutionary programmes and attacked the residence of the Home Minister. If his disciples were taken aback by this display of arrogance, they remained silent in front of their charismatic leader Sirajul Alam Khan was careful to keep JSD’s armed faction Gono Bahini free of SUC orientation. Like this incident of March 17, many of his decisions remain enshrouded in mystery. Some feel that India also lent its approval to the formation of Gono Bahini. (in 1977 when Sirajul Alam Khan was freed from jail, he forced pro-SUC elements out of the party. Just as he had built up JSD. he had direct involvement in its several break-ups too).
Page 506
JSD was prepared to do something towards the end of 1975. But the international forces were not willing. Perhaps foreseeing the August 15 incident, Siraj went to India for two or three days at the time. But his relations with India began to crack after the November 7 uprising. This failed revolution was a grave upheaval in his political career. At the time, though he took the decision for a revolution under col. Taher’s insistence, he simply disappeared from the scene for 48 hours.
While somehow coming to terms with the failure of November 7 by means of talks with Zia, the October 1977 army revolt threw him into the face of intensive interrogation, as a result of which he totally surrendered to Zia and the establishment for the rest of his term in jail. After that, his political agenda underwent a radical change. He would openly say, “Nothing can be done with this JSD.”
THE POLITICAL THINKER
Prior to November 7, 1975, Sirajul Alam Khan had been an organizer. From 1962 to 1970 he was perhaps the most powerful organizer of the country and from 1971 to 1975 he was the second most powerful organizer of the country. But his organizer status died along with the failed revolution of November 7. He realized this more than anyone else. He gradually began to withdraw himself and finalized this process in 1990. From then on he has been a political thinker, not a politician. It is rather surprising that this hero of the 1969 mass movement, stood against the mass movement in 1990.
Since November 7, 1975, Siraj’s connections with India were severed. Relations were so bitter that he even apprehended that he would be killed. At this juncture, Ittefaq’s Anwar Hossain Manju came forward to help him grow international ties with the US. Later Professor Zillur Rahman Khan of Wisconsin University, close to Anwar Hossain Manju, helped him strengthen these ties. After the killing of Zia, Siraj managed to gain a hold in the army through the ‘heroes’ who had survived the Chittagong coup and who had been his followers in their student lives. This led to an alliance with General Ershad, his presence in Cabinet meetings, the formulation of the upazila system, etc. It is said that, sitting in Motijheel, he had designed the debate in the House to lend credibility to the 1988 parliament.
Sirajul Alam Khan refrains from discussing current politics with journalists or others of similar standing. He remains completely tight-lipped about himself. However, he does engage in debate on political systems. He now likes to put forward an academic image. But the mysteries around him don’t go away, which is why perhaps the BNP government had him jailed once after 1991. These four months were his last term in jail after 1976-77 when Ziaur Rahman sent him to prison. (He had previously been arrested in 1963). After the ‘oppression and compromises in the Mymensingh jail, he changed his.political ideology in 1980. He then began to say, instead of toppling the bourgeois government, they would have to reach a long-term understanding with it in order to gain a stronghold in state power. He refused to oppose the military rule. This attitude may have kept the future doors of politics open for him. It is difficult to say how he will be used in the future or how he will use the future. Among the major political parties, his relations with Awami League
Page 507
are very bad at the moment, particularly with Sheikh Hasina. That is why he spent most of the past five years abroad. He returned on October 1 last year and voted in the election. “He knew BNP was going to win.”
‘HE CAN’T BE QUITE UNDERSTOOD
All said and done, Sirajul Alam Khan’s political career appears to be his legacy. The living members of his family are all in Dhaka. They meet together on their mother’s death anniversary. A certain Basu Miah looks after their village home in Noakhali. This home consists of a small house, a tin shed and the family graves by a pond.
The people of the village do not often approach Sirajul Alam Khan. His close ones know that he does have a special place for the people of Noakhali. When asked about the distance he keeps from his home. Golam Moula who works in his Alipur house says, “He can’t quite be understood.” Even his political comrades share the same feeling, as they too find themselves distanced like the people of the village. He may not have cried at his mother’s death, but he has never been able to check his tears at the death of his comrades. He has not severed relations with anyone, but then he doesn’t open himself up to anyone either.
HE STILL DREAMS…
His lifestyle has perhaps made him as charismatic as his politics. His simple grab of panjabi pajama, his long hair and beard, his endless chats in the lobby of Sheraton for the past three decades, his walking for mile after mile down the streets, all of this has become a sort of trade mark for Sirajul Alam Khan. Press reports of his attending international seminars, complimentary copies of his books sent to important persons, all indicate that the political organizer may have died’, but he still dreams… In a silent manner, be continues lobbying for his beliefs. Right now he has gone abroad to watch the World Cup live. Perhaps in between matches he is meeting up with those who are, in his words, the actual policy makers of Bangladesh.”
His political analysis is worlds apart from the traditionalist political thinkers and intellectuals of the country. What are his thoughts? A new political equation is in the offing and it is important to enter that new classification. Professional organizations will determine the politics of the future. Secondly, no important policy or strategy of this country is decided domestically, it is done by international powers. So it is through them that a role must be played in Bangladesh’s future changes.
In the third place, in 1971 the students in Bangladesh were a striking force. Now there are only two institutions in Bangladesh that are conscious of their own interests–the army and the business community. If there is a threat to the country’s sovereignty, it is only these two forces that will stand against it in their own interests. So political contacts should be with them. Lastly, the future changes in this region will be sub-regional and the people’s economic interests will be prioritized. So political thinkers must concentrate on this. It is difficult to say how far the people of Bangladesh delve into political thought, but it would not be surprising to see attention turning once again to Sirajul Alam Khan in the coming wave of change to hit south Asia.
Source: মুজিব বাহিনী থেকে গন বাহিনী ইতিহাসের পুনর্পাঠ – আলতাফ পারভেজ