বঙ্গবন্ধু হত্যা মামলার মৃত্যুদণ্ডাদেশপ্রাপ্ত মহিউদ্দিনের খােলা চিঠি
My name is Mohiuddin AKA Ahmed. As I prepare for this next stage in my life, I look back on the road, which has brought me to this point. By way of background, I joined the Pakistan Military in 1996, and was commissioned as second lietutenant in 1967. After the war of liberation with Pakistan, I was held in confinement in a Pakistani concentration camp from 1972 to 1974.1 was then repatriated to Bangladesh in 1974. I then honorably served in the Bangladesh militry from 1974 to 1975. Thereafter, served in the diplomatic service until 1996.
The events leading up to the coup in 1975 are well known to all of the Bangladeshi people, and the events cannot be denied. In 1974, Sheikh Mujibur declared a democratic activities, and opponents. Freedom of speech was taken away from Bangladeshi citizens, and all fundamental rights were suspened. In January 1975, one-party rule under BAKSAL was introduced, and Sheikh Mujibur became Prime Minister/President.
By all reasonable and accurate accounts, Bangladesh was then suffering through a period of famine, poverty, and political instability. Those familiar with this period in Bangladesh’s history remember that Bangladesh was a dictatorship. One need only open a Bangladesh newspaper from 1972 to 1975 to appreciate that Bangladesh my country was then a dictatorship. People of Bangladesh cannot deny the difficulties of that period in our history, Nor can they rewrite that period, and transform it into a renaissance of freedom and democracy. Those who attempt to do so are not being historically accurate.
It was during those times that I served honorably as Major in the Bangladeshi armyFirst Bengal Lancers regiment. I, like many other young officers, was not immune to the suffering that Bangladesh experienced during that time.
With this as a backdrop, the 1975 Coup occurred. At that time, I was a relatively junior officer who had limited responsibilities, but a healthy respect for the military chain of command. On the night of the Coup in 1975,
I was on normal night maneuvers, when I was notified by superior officers that a paceful coup would occur within hours. Myself and others believed that the orders we received were lawful, and that they were transmitted through the appropriate chain of command. As Major in the Military, my orders were clear, and the results of refusing a lawful order were equally clear, including military arrest, and facing a firing squed.
Of course, the political history of Southeast Asia and Pakistan suggested to all of us that peaceful coups were possible, and that the peaceful transition from dictatorship to multi party rule was possible without bloodshed. At th:ii time, there were no reasons for me to believe that the coup would beany thing other than peaceful.
Again, those of us who followed orders that evening were under the impression that a peaceful coup was in motion to remove the existing, government, and set up a new national government with honest and efficicni politicians whose first interest was that of the people of Bangladesh. The hope was that a peaceful transition to a multi-party democratic system would occur.
Regarding my orders, I was to position my troops at a crossorad, whieli I understood to be located more than a mile from one of the Presidenti.il homes. I was to supervise my troops, and await further orders. At no time was I, or my troops, involved in any violence, the statements that I was present in the Prime Minister’s house at the time of his death are utterly false-It is an unfortunate and regrettable fact that Sheikh Mujibur Rahnian and some members of his family and political party were killed during the 1975 coup. I do not believe that the loss of life was contemplated that nighi, nor justified.
Many other countries including China and Saudi Arabia recognized tin-new government of Bangladesh. Moreover, the entire political outlook < >l Bangladesh switched from a one party authoritarian rule to a multi-party tin West After the Coup, the new government, through an ordinace, indemnified all military officers for their actions. The ordinance provided that no memliei of the military would face criminal prosecution or liability before any Conn in Bangladesh. This ordinance was later ratified by more thana 2/3 majoi n I of members of the Bangladesh parliament, thus making this clause a pari ol the Bangladeshi constitution.
After the Coup, I served the interest of Bangladesh in the Diplomat n corps, and in highly responsible positions. It was my great honor to represcni the Bangladesh people in Jordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Algeria, and Thailand
For those who may not know, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s survmj’ daughter, Sheikh Hasina, later rose to leadership in the Awami League, amd eventually ran for Prime Minister, seeking to overturn the constitution, which protected members of the military who served in 1975. In 1991 Sheikh Hasina lost an election bid due to the fact that public opinion was against what was widely perceived as a platform of revenge. In subsequent years, from 1991 to 1996, Sheikh Hasina modified her objective and rhetoric. Sheikh Hasina changed her colors and claimed to be seeking reconciliation, and offered forgivdeness.
With her new platform of reconciliation and forgiveness, Sheikh Hasina became Prime Minister in 1996. Those statements of reconciliation and forgiveness, however, as one of her first official acts as prime minister of Bangladesh was to overturn the constitutitonal protections provided to myself and others. She accomplished this by leading the repal of the indemnity act in parliament without the constitutionally required 2/3 majority. Sheikh Hasina then speargheaded the prosecution of all of the military officers who served in 1975 and who were serving abroad as diplomats. Of course, officers who served in 1975 and who joined the Awami league were free from prosecution. Clearly, the condition to avoid prosecution was to acquiesce to Shikh Hasina party and political goals.
Presently. I have exhausted my legal remedies before the US Court of Apeals, and I have been detained by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security pending my removal to Bangladesh.
With my removal imminent, I am now preparing to face my accusers in Bangladesh, and fight the in absentia verdict which calls for my execution. By many accounts, the Court in Bangladesh, which was convened to judge myself and others was NOT free of political influence. This is evident from numerous newspaper reports of the time. In fact, the lawyer appointed to defend my right before the Bangladeshi Court was chosen by Sheikh Hasina’s party! A review of the Court transcripts shows that the lawyer did not object to any evidence presented against me, nor did he provide any exculpatory evidence, Even other lawyers defending the other defendants were openly harassed and threatened with dire consequences including one lawyer who was stripped and beaten by a partisan crowd within the Court premises itself.
Now, over the years, the Supreme Court in Bangladesh has repeatedly refused itself from hearing the appeals arising out of that trial. To use their term, the Supreme Court in Bangladesh, after the departure of “Embarrassment” regarding the verdict. At one point even the chief justice of the Bangladesh Supreme Court presiding at the time questioned why the Bangladeshi government wanted to figuratively shoot the gun on the Court’s shoulders.
It is my intention, upon return to Bangladesh, to challenge the verdiri in my case, and reopen the proceedings to confront witnesses against mi-, .r well as to present evidence that shows that I was not involved in the killiiij’ of Sheikh Mujibur. I further intend to show that the original trial courl w.r unduly influenced by Sheikh Hasina in her quest for revenge.
Today, we are preparing the appropriate legal documents to start our defense in Bangladesh, and to one again open the record for a full and I.in hearing. In light of the composition of the caretaker government, and it; relative freedom from the Awami league forces, now is the time for such a review.
Those who support me, my colleagues, and the Bangladesh constitution must know that this is not the end. Rather, it will be the beginning of ega proceedings in bangladesh which will once and for all expose the misdeeds, of Sheikh Hasina and the trial which has split Bangladesh down its middle
My attorney in American is Mr. Joseph Sandoval and he will be working with my attorneys in Bangladesh.
I can be reached at robenmohiuddin@yahoo.com
Mohiuddin AKM Ahmed 03/19/07.
সূত্র: দিনলিপি বঙ্গবন্ধুর শাসন সময় ১৯৭৫ – অধ্যাপক ড. আবু সাইয়িদ ও শাহজাহান মৃধা বেনু সম্পাদিত