INTRODUCTION
I feel really honoured in introducing the book “Bangla Desh Unchained” to the readers. I had the opportunity to go through the manuscript. It is a short history of the long struggle of the people of Bangla Desh for emancipation from colonial rule by the West Pakistani vested interests.
Since the creation of Pakistan, the rulers of Pakistan mainly composed of West Pakistani feudal lords, monopoly capitalists, bureaucracy and military junta followed a colonial policy towards East Pakistan and drained her resources for the development of the western wing. The Central Government always functioned as an agent of West Pakistani exploiters to exploit East Bengal. Bengal always received a stepmotherly treatment from the Central Government. The essence of the policy of the Central Government was to appropriate as much of the latter’s foreign exchange earnings as possible in addition to appropriating the bulk of foreign aid for rapid industrialization of West Pakistan and to maintain Bengal as a highly protected market for West Pakistani products.
To maintain their exploitation over Bengal unhurt attempts were made to suppress the Bengali-culture. They tried to impose upon Bangla Desh a language unknown to her people. Time and again the books of Tagore and his songs were banned and even the study of Nazrul Islam’s work was officially discouraged. Attempts were made to destroy Bengali language by introducing Roman Script in it. Freedom of expressions was denied.
Politically the Bengalees were alsways subjugated. The Bengalees were never allowed to hold the rein of administration. The United Front which captured 97% of the seats in 1954 elections in East Bengal, was not allowed to work. The United Front Government was dismissed on a false plea only after 55 days of its formation and Governor’s rule was introduced. According to Yahea the elections of December 7 and January 17 were free and fair. But Awami League, the majority party in the National Assembly, has been banned and termed a party of the traitors by the ruling clique. Bangabandhu, the great hero of Bengal has been kept confined in an unknown place; he has been always threatened with death, his only offence being his love for his country and love for his suppressed and oppressed people.
The people of Bengal have always resisted West Pakistani attempts at subjugating them forever. They shed their blood and they earned Bengali as one of their State Languages. They built up a mighty wave of agitation against the military dictator, Ayub. Ayub had to yield.
Finally when the people of Bangla Desh was denied of their rights after the general elections, the people of Bengal challenged the strength of Yehea’s Military Junta and they mobilised themselves behind the great leader Shiekh Mujib to frustrate all attempts to keep them in shackle. An independent Bangla Desh was proclaimed and the people of Bangla Desh have become the masters of their own destiny.
To-day Bangla Desh bleeds. Over a million of people were killed, their houses were burnt, the modesty of thousands of women and girls were outraged by the brute West Pakistani army of Yahea Khan and to save life from the onslaughts of West Pakistani butchers over ten million of people crossed the border and took shelter in India. The greatest tragedy in the histroy of civilization has been enacted in Bangla Desh.
The World outside Bangla Desh should know this tragedy. They should raise their voices against the tyrants of Pakistan, nay, against all subjugators, colonial powers and imperialists of the world. Mr. Gaziul Huq in this short canvas of the book ‘Bangla Desh Unchained’ has successfully described the agonies and affictions of the people of Bangla Desh and the great heroic battle they fought and are fighting for the emancipation and liberation of Bangla Desh. I am confident that this valuble book will
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get the highest appreciation from the readers. Thanks to Mr. Huq’s endevour.
ZILLUR RAHAMAN
A FEW WORDS
After the publication of my “Ebarer Sangram—Swadhinatar Sangram” (in Bengali language) there is a constant demand from my friends of different linguistics as well as of different organisations to know the background of the present liberation war of Bangla Desh. I also felt that at least the main events and course of politics leading upto the present liberation war should be presented to the people who are keen about the success of the people of Bangla Desh in the struggle.
Pakistan was created on the basis of Lahore Resolution, 1940. It reads : “That geographically contiguous units be demarcated into regions which should be constituted with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the North-Western and Eastern Zones of India, should be grouped to constitute Independent states in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign.” But the spirit of Lahore Resolution with regard to the creation of autonomous and sovereign states was totally ignored. The power was usurped by a group of West Pakistani feudal lords, capitalists, bureaucrats and military junta who with utter disregard to all codes of justice cheated and looted the people of East Bengal.
The rulers of Pakistan systematically followed a colonial policy towards the Eastern wing. The history of the 24 years of Pakistan was a series of attempts to suppress the language and culture of East Bengal and to drain her resources for the benefit of a group of privileged people of West Pakistan. The Bengalees were denied their rights and legitimate share both in the political and economic shperes. Politically never a Bengalee was allowed to hold the rein of real power.
Economically Bangla Desh provided the protected market for the West Pakistani capitalitsts. Bengal was exploited to the last limit.
Bengal raised her voice over and again against the injustices meted out to her. The Bengalees shed their blood for their language, for each of their democratic rights. The soil of Bengal was drenched with blood of Barkat, Salam, Rafique, Jobber, Waziullah, Asad, Dr. Shamsuzzoha, Farooque Iqbal, Tarikh, Masood, Titu, Azad and thousand others. Each and every time the people of Bengal resisted the onslaughts on their culture and on their political rights. They faced death and they pulled down tha heads of the autocrats.
Now started the last phase of the struggle of the people of East Bengal. Since the West Pakistan army’s crack-down on March 25, 1971 the seventy five million people of Bangla Desh rose in arms and they are fighting against the killers—the West Pakistani rulers. They know that this is a war of liberation. The Mukti Bahini have grown out of a spontaneous resistance from among the people of Bangla Desh. They have turned into a well-organised and disciplined forced—a force of millions. Now they are striking back to Yahea’s army with confidence and with the utmost ferocity. The killers are to be killed.
The people of Bangla Desh have been fighting for their rights for the last tewnty four years and have sacrifieced a lot unequal in the histroy of liberation movement and it is next to impossible to depict the whole of the struggle in the short canvas of my work.
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Nevertheless, I tried to be sincere and truthful to my conscience and answered the so-called White Paper of Pakistan Government to the best of my capability. I don’t know how far I am successful in this regard. To judge this is upto the kind readers. There is no distortion of facts. There is no deliberate omission and yet, if there be any that is due to the non-availability of the datas and the vexed and perturbed mind of a disgraced person.
Of course, the readers may question why the recent events do not find place in the book. My answer is very simple. The most significant events such as “War on Bangla Desh had become a war on India”, the recognition of the Government of the Peoples Republic of Bangla Desh by India and Bhutan, the fall of Jessore Contonment took place after the printing of the body of the book.
Besides, the sketches of liberation war of Bangla Desh require more volumes to be recorded faithfully.
In this afflicted life I owe my all inspirations to my country—my Ananda, my fighting people and thoroughly exhausted, I am really unworthy of their love.
I remain thankful to Mr. A Mannan, Editor, Weekly ‘Jai Bangla’ and M.N.A., incharge of Information and Radio, Bangla Desh and to External Publicity Division, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bangla Desh Government, who were kind enough to supply me some valuable information. To Mr. Zillur Rahman M.N.A. I would fain express my deep sense of obligation for giving introduction to the book. I desire cordially to acknowledge the contribution of Babu Tridibesh Basu (Kaka-Babu) and Mr. Jayanta Basu by whose kind help the book appears in printed form. To Mr. Ali Anwar, Miss Shamim Rahman and Mr. Maudud Ahmed, Barrister-at-Law, I am deeply indebted for the help rendered by them. To Mr. Satin Sen, Mr. Saral Guha of Akashbani, Calcutta and Mr. Paresh Bhattacharjee, cordial thanks are hereby tendered for good counsel cheerfully bestowed.
Lastly to the staff of the ‘K.P. Basu Printing Works’ my heartiest thanks are owing, for their unremitting care in all that relates to the printing of the book.
CALCUTTA GAZIUL HUQ
December 8, 1971
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THE MESSAGE OF SHEIKH MUJIB
TO THE PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH
ON THE NIGHT OF 25TH OF MARCH, 1971
PAKISTAN ARMED FORCES, SUDDENLY HAVE ATTACKED OUR COUNTRY UNDER THE COVER OF DARKNESS. THEY HAVE, TREACHEROUSLY ATTACKED THE EAST PAKISTAN RIFLES BASE, PIELKHANA AND RAJARBAG POLICE BARRACKS IN DACCA FROM ZERO HOURS ON MARCH 26, KILLING LACS OF UNARMED PEOPLE THE EAST PAKISTAN RIFLES IN DACCA, THE POLICE AND THE PEOPLE ARE FIGHTING THE ENEMY FORCES STERNLY. LET THE WORLD KNOW OF THIS GENOCIDE. BRETHERN, TAKE UP THE ARMS WHICHEVER YOU HAVE. RESIST THE ENEMY FORCES AT ANY COST. MAY ALLAH BLESS YOU AND HELP YOU IN YOUR STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM.
‘JAI BANGLA’
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“Rise like lions after slumber
In unvanquishable number—
Shake your chains to earth like
dew
Which in sleep had fallen ou you—
Ye are many—they are few.”
CONTENTS
PREAMBLE …. 17—23
THE NIGHT OF THE 25TH MARCH :
A DECISION AND DIRECTIVE …. 24—28
A STORY OF EXPLOITATION AND DEPRIVATION …. 29—42
ATTACKS ON BENGALI LANGUAGE AND
CULTURE AND PEOPLE’S RESISTANCE …. 43—57
THE DAWNING OF POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNSSE :
ORGANISATIONAL SKETCHES …. 58—69
SIX-POINT-PROGRAMME :
THE DEFINITION OF AUTONOMY …. 70—112
FROM STRUGGLE FOR AUTONOMY
TO STRUGGLE FOR INDEPNEDENCE …. 113—160
ADDENDA :
A CHRONOLOGY OF MAIN EVENTS …. 161—170
APPENDIX :
WORLD COMMENTS ON BANGLA DESH 171—179
PREAMBLE
The sea is her girdle at the waist, the rivers Padma, Meghna and Jamuna are like her necklaces, green and gold is her body, soft as the first light of the morning, a limpid freshness adding to her grace. She is my Bangla Desh, my golden Bengal. The fields are bedewed with her love, the rhythmic reeds by the river tune into her songs, the goldedn harvest is the bursting of laughter.
It is this image of Begnal—particularly her golden harvest the source of her prosperity throughout the ages, has attracted the plunderers from afar. Repeated waves of such hordes of looters have come and looted her. They have ravaged her greens. Her rivers have become red of the blood spilled by the
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defenders of her honour. Bengal has again and again resisted such attacks with all her might and courage. The toughness of her resistances—often unsuspected in her apparently peaceful and tender landscapes has compelled the attackers to stop, ponder and ultimately to retire. She has proved again and again that she can strike back stealing the thunder from the clouds, violence from the elements. She is as much at home in the “Sadhana of Sakti”, the cult of violence as in the Sadhana of love, tenderness and peace.
In the hoary past the natives of Bengal have resisted the incursions of the Aryans. Exasperated and harassed, the Aryans have hated the natives and tried to console their injured pried by calling the natives uncivilized. The Kaivartos have rebelled against the Aryan rulers of Bengal. In the same vein, the Mughal emperors of Delhi have been flouted by Chand Roy, Kedar Roy, Isa Khan, Pratapaditya, Bhulu Gazi and Luxman Manikya of Bengal. After their initial defeat at Plassey in 1757 the English rule in Bengal has been continually challenged from 1760 to 1788 through a series of insurrections in Pabna, Rangpur and Dinajpur known in history as the “Sanyasi Revolt” under the leadership of Pundit Shah. In 1776 the peasants of Bankura revolted against the administration. Titumir’s revolt against the “British Raj”, Choar rebellons in Midanpore are similar examples in the annals of insurgent Bengal.
Then came the Mutiny of 1857 which shook the British empire to its very foundation. Starting from the soldiers’ barracks at Barrackpore the whole of North and East India from Delhi to Dacca was set ablaze. Along with military visionaries like Mangal Pande Bengal offered hundreds of her sons in this struggle for liberation. The green grass of Dacca Victoria Park (now renamed Bahadur Shah Park) was drenched by the blood of the freedom fighters. The simmering discontent of a frustrated revolution exploded again in the Indigo Mutiny soon enough in the 1860.
Never has Bengal accepted an alien rule without resistance or protest. Such resistance offered through much shedding of blood may not have been successful always—since many of these insurrections have been arrested at the stage of a rebellion of a section of population and not transformed into an organised upheaval of the mass i.e., transformed into a revolution. Forces of destructions were sometimes released without being controlled and guided by any constructive plan or vision of future. The ideological ground work was hastily done, the organisational details not sufficiently worked out. Thus superior strategy or better organised sophisticated fire-power of the enemy has taken heavy toll of the insurrectionists. The people of Bengal often had not even had the time to focus their collective efforts in the cause of the revolution before the enemy has struck with all the violence in their command and the mutineers retreated. A period of depression has often set in, but Bengal has never accepted defeat, burried anger has bided time for an opportune moment to strike back. Bengal has jealously maintained her identity, her cultural uniqueness, an undertone of pride in her distinctive way of life which is different in so many ways from any other part of the sub-continent.
The modern or contemporary phase of Rebellious Bangla Desh opens with the partition of Bengal in 1905 by the Governor-General Lord Gurzon. The policy of divide and rule by the English in an effort to set the Hindus and the Muslims against each other politically in Bengal was given effect to by arbitrary and sudden partition of Bengal on the pretext of administrative convenience. This subtle wooing of once suspected ‘disloyal’ Muslims by such bland overtures of favour to them through such partition along communal lines, ill-concealed their true intention of perpetuating British Raj by enlisting Muslim support. Another British policy of so called revenue reform in the shape of Permanent Settlement had artfully pushed the Muslims out from positions of power and reduced them to paupers overnight through the operation of sun-set laws. Other discriminatory policies and repressive laws had deprived the Muslim community of its leaders and kept them underdeveloped, compared with others in the same society. However this sudden gesture of goodwill and charity towards the Muslims of Bengal was a thinly veiled imperialist gambit and in on time was identified as such. Rebellious Bengal thundered out in protest against the partition. The partition boomeranged and instead of dividing the Muslims and the Hindus
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brought them together at the political plane. Need for political co-operation and understanding between the two communities was all the more focused. Secondly, the movement for the annulment of partition brought the Muslims of Bengal to the fore of political leadership once more as equal partners with other communities and inspired them to fight imperialism rather than buttress it.
However the 16th October, the day the partition was to take effect from was declared as a mourning day, for the Bengalees.
Even more important than these was the initiation of modern Bengal to a new age of insurrectional politics which came through this movement. The popular dissatisfaction which exploded during this movement was very soon channelised into more sustained underground preparation for armed struggle and terroristic activities. The stupendous success of the annulment movement—the unsettling of ‘a settled fact’—paled into insignificance compared to what happened later. Bengal was poised for a confrontation whatever be the cost in terms of lives sacrificed or blood spilled. The signal was given on the 30th of April, 1908 in Muzaffarpur. Two terrorists—Khudiram and Prafulla Chaki of Bogra threw hand bombs at the pheaton car of Kings Ford, the district judge of Muzaffarpur. Khudiram was arrested on the 1st May, 1908. Prafulla Chaki committed suicide rather than court arrest, the next day at Mokama Ghat. He was the first of martyrs of a new and violent Bengal. Khudiram was sentenced to death.
The sentence was executed on, August, 11, 1908. Khudiram died on the gallows—an unbending defiant soul. Since then giving and taking of lives have become a houes-hold experience in Bengal. Naren Gosai was the Government approver in the famous Maniktala Conspiracies/Explosives case. Naren Gosai had to pay with his life at the hands of Kanai and Satyen for his betrayal. Kanai and Satyen—two fire-brand young men to Bengal were subsequently sent to the gallows. The Government pleader Ashutosh Biswas and detective Shamsul Alam—both of Maniktala case fame had been killed in their turn by Charu Basu and Biren Dutta Gupta respectively. Both of them were sentenced to death.
A different kind of drama was enacted on the banks of Buri Balam at Balasore. That was on the 9th of September, 1915. Jatin—the tiger, Chitta Priya Roy Chowdhury, Niren Das Gupta, Monoranjan Sen Gupta and Jyotish Paul—all terrorists from Bengal had assembled at Buri Balam to unload ship-load of arms-ammunition, secretly sent there. The British Hounds of the police department—Denham and Tegart had sniffed their way to the place. A violent confrontation ensued. In a pitched battle Chitta Priya Roy Chowdhury laid down his life. Jatin—the tiger or “Bagha Jatin”, was grievously injured and died in hospital. Naren Das Gupta and Monoranjan Sen Gupta died on the gallows. Jyotish Paul won a life sentence in the Andamans.
The scene shifted to Dacca. That was June 15, 1918. At Kalta Bazar Dacca—in another armed conflict with the British police Tarini Majumdar and Nalini Bagchi laid down their lives. Death beckoned countless other young men of Bengal who deemed it an honour and a privilege to die for one’s country. Gopinath Saha, Promode Chowdhury, Anantahari Mitra are among the most bright ones who least hesitated to join in this blood offerings at the altar of the country.
But the cloud burst of terroristic activities was climaxed in 1930. In one of the most brilliant and spectacular military operation under the leadership of Surya Sen—popularly known as ‘Master Da’ Chittagong Armoury was successfully besieged and looted and over the better part of Chittagong the terrorists established their control. Like a volcanic eruption the operation as though blazed the whole of the eastern horizon of India and shattered the myth of inviolability of the British empire. Seismic shocks were recorded in the distant cabinet cloisters of the White Hall in England. India from Kashmir to Cape Comorin had been awakened to a confident awareness of a free India. The pioneer pilgrims on this road to freedom were Surya Sen, Ganesh Ghosh, Ambika Chakravorty, Lalmohan Sen, Loknath Bal, Nirmal Sen,
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Ananta Singh, Tripura Sen, Bidhu Bhattacharya, Himanshu Sen, Ananda Gupta, Jiban Ghosal, Ardendu Dastidar, Kali Chakravorty, Ranadhir Das Gupta, Rajat Sen, Swadesh Roy, Sambhu Dastidar, Hemendu Dastidar, Provash Bal, Apurba Sen, Monoranjan and Deva Parsad. History of sustained armed resistance offered by these terrorists at the hills of Jalalabad has continued to fire the imagination of the young men of Bengal ever since. The names of Benoy, Badal, Dinesh, Bimal, Rajen Lahiri have been added to this list of freedom fighters subsequently.
It is not only the boys who had offered their blood for the freeing to their country, the women did not lag far behind. As eager and brilliant are the examples of Pritilata Waddedar, Kalpana Datta, Bina Das, Ujjala Majumdar, Aruna and countless others. Hundreds of heroic women have held high the banner of freedom at the expense of their lives. Hundred others have languished in the solitary confinements of the jails rather than accept ignominous subjecthood.
A different kind of revolutionaries were Rash Behari Bose and Subhas Chandra Bose—people with maginficent imagination and organising power. By rejecting the mode of subterranean violence of the terrorists they took the more courageous, more difficult path of organising violence in the open by raising a regular army to face the army of the British. Netaji Subhas Bose left constitutional politics at a time when he was at the helm of Indian National Congress. The theme of violent resistance to the ‘British Raj’, which caught the imagination of the young radicals within Congress party was introduced by this illustrious son of Bengal. But limitations of Indian National Congress precluded any possibility of organising a revolution from its platform or armed resistance of the kind Subhas Bose had in mind. Hence he went on self-imposed exile with a mission abroad. The mission was realised in the formation of the Indian National Army, the first Mukti Fouz conceived and brought into being by a Bengali genius. The Indian National Army was at the doorstep of eastern India fighting the British when Subhas died in a plane crash. Before the I.N.A. had time to recover from the shock of his loss, Japan on whom I.N.A. depended for ammunition had surrendered to the Allies. The hopes raised by the operations of the I.N.A. and the frustration at its failure combined to explode in the violent upsurge of the Bengali people on the occasion of Rashid Ali Day in Calcutta in 1946 demanding release of Captain Rashid Ali, an undertrial Officer of I.N.A. from the British Jails. The refrain of violence was accented again and again through similar domonstrations of solidarity with the freedom fighters of I.N.A.—as exemplified on Shah Nawaz Day or Netaji Day. The theme of violent resistance was re-echoed in the Naval Revolt in Bombay. British arrogance suffered severe jolts through such expressions of accumulated anger of the people and in another year or two had come to realise that they must leave.
Bengal had always maintained her lead in this struggle for independence of India. It is not unnatural, hence that she had to bear the brunt of the repression that ensued in the course of the struggle. Bengal has borne it all heroically and has struck back whenever opportunity came her way.
Freedom was won in 1947. But it was not the freedom sought for by the Bengalees. The Muslims of India did demand Pakistan but the Bengali Muslims realised only too late that the insidious ideology based on religion alone perforce would result in the partition of their own Bengal and cut across cultural affiliations. Bengalees at both sides of the new border painfully accepted the truncated existence. What was even more painful was the realisation and the discovery that Muslim Bengal had been doubly cheated by being tied up with West Pakistan. The dream and the assurance through the resolution of 1940 of an independent and sovereign Bangla Desh within the frame work of a Muslim confederation proved a mirage. The people in power in Pakistan who came from the western parts of India took advantage of the ideology based on religion and cheated the Bengalees from their share in powre in the name of religious solidarity. Freedom to shape ones own destiny had not come to the Bengalees. Freedom had been reduced to freedom to acquisce in the systematic deprivation of themselves. Freedom was turned into a mockery. The struggle for re-assertion of the Bengalees for their legitimate right in the running of the government,
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for their share in the dividends of the economy of the country had to be started all over again. The struggle this time starting as a struggle for the restoration of democracy in the face of armed attack from the people in power was transformed into revolution of the people. Struggle for liberation soon transcended the Six-Point-Programme which sparked off the movement. The leadership which was poised for peaceful dialectics on the floors of Parliament had to take up arms and stand with the people in the trenches and bunkers fighting the enemy forces of Yahea. The foundation for a new future for Bangla Desh was laid on the fateful day of March 25, 1971.
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THE NIGHT OF THE 25th MARCH :
A DECISION AND DIRECTIVE
March 25, 1971 will be remembered in human history as a day of heinous betrayal and ignominous savagery perpetuated by any government on its own people. Yahea’s blood thirsty Military generals in cold blood ordered the surreptitious massacre of millons of Bengaless on this night. It will also be remembered as a glorious day—a day of defiance and resistance of the Bengalees in the face of this betrayal. A nation resolved to fight into the last of its men, a country already bathed in the blood of millions of its people was born on the same fateful night.
At the dead of night on the 25th March, the Pakistani army bounced upon the unsuspecting civilian population of Dacca with all the sophistcated fire-arms with a mad mission to kill. Tanks had been deployed in the streets of the sleeping city. Suddenly mortars and tanks were trained on densely populated residential areas, educational institutions, hostels of students, newspaper offices, railway terminals, river ports, market places, public monuments. Buildings crumbled. Walls were pulverized to dust. Thousands of people were burried beneath the debris. Huge areas and localities were set on fire by the army howitzers and incendiary pockets. Old people and children, women and the invalids were burnt to ashes for no fault at all. The army hordes entered the student hostels of Dacca University and killed the inmates with old blooded deliberation. Not one survived in these places. The nanties of the working people, coolies, beggars, and rickshaw killers lined along the railway tracks from Tongi to Dacca, a stretch ten miles long, were set on fire. As the panicky bewildered people streamed out on the adjoining streets, they were greeted the showers of bullets from machine guns. A few thousand wrished in a matter of hours. Hundreds of people who slept on a side walks, under the porch of public buildings, on the platforms of railway station or river terminals, on the push carts or under the culverts of highways, shop-keepers and coolies who slept in and around market places, the drivers and the conductors of early morning buses who slept inside the vehicles at the bus terminals of Gulistan, Sadarghat and New Market, all of them were gunned to death. They never woke up to see the light of the dismal morning that followed. The intermittent clatter of the machine guns that reverberated throughthout the night and the following day were punctuated by the helpless scream of the dying and heartrending cry of the women being snatched away from their homes by the army. The streets were immersed in a sea of blood and the skies—heavy with smoke from the burning city. The same story was repeated in Chittagong, Khulna, Jessore, Kushtia, Saidpur and elsewhere.
But there was the other side too. It was also the fateful night for Bangla Desh at the end of its quest for identity as a nation and as a counrty. The hoax of Muslim Pakistan was exploded with the first barrage of the army battery. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the undisputed leader of the day ran with time to snatch the few precious decisive moments before his arrest to send his words over the Bangla Desh radio—with a call to resist. The receiving sets all over Bangla Desh carried the long awaited unmistakable message :
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“An alien enemy has opened attack on Bangla Desh under cover of darkness of night. They have killed lacs of people in Dacca, Khulna, Chittagong and Kushtia. Tell the countries of the world of this barbaric genocide. Heroic sons of Bangla Desh! Take up arms and resist the enemy army wherever you meet them.”
An announcement was made and a directive given. People of Bangla Desh in the provincial towns and distant villages thundered out their resolve to resist the enemy. Throughout the length and breadth of the country the slogan that reverberated was “Joi Swadhin Bangla—long live free Bangla Desh”, the song that was chanted was :
“Amar Sonar Bangla
Ami Tomai Bhalobashi”
Golden Bengal I love thee. But resolution and courage pitted against the sophisticated fire-power of the army reamined as unequal fight. The people had the resolve but no arms as against the army which had no scruple or conscience. The killling was on sided and total. The savage horde of Yahea wanted to drown the determination of seventry five million people in a sea of blood—but the sea rose to a tide.
Runaway battalions of the East Bengal Regiment in Chittagong and Jaidevpur, the East Pakistan Rifles in charge of the border outposts, the police in the provincial towns, distant river ports and sub-divisions regrouped themselves and rose in unison against the army-attack and marched on the army cantonments. The assorted peoples army gathered a million volunteers on the way who had joined with whatever outmoded weapons and fire-arms they could lay hand on. The cowardly army was held captive within the precincts of their cantonments in the outlying areas of Jessore, Comilla, Rajshahi and Chittagong.
Independent Government of the People’s Republic of Bangla Desh was formally declared from Meherpur on the 7th April, 1971. Appeal for recognition and arms aid went over the Radio Bangla Desh. Envoys were sent abroad with a mission.
All the while the so-called free world impassively withnessed the mass killing in Bangla Desh and allowed themselves to be gulled by the heinous propaganda lies of the Pakistan government. The big powers only too anxious lest the balance of power is disturbed in the area, preferred to wait and see while millions of Bengalees died and million others left the country and crossed over to neighbouring India and Burma to save their lives. Conscience of the world remained atrophied for months on end.
Pakistani Government took full advantange of the situation. Pakistani Propaganda machinery doled out sackful of concocted stories and versions of the situation in an effort to justify the inforgivable crimes of genocide and burtalities the army was ommitting in East Bengal. Every speech by Yahea Khan since March 25 gave a novel justification for army action. In this broadcast on the 25th March he accused Mujibur Rahman of trying to break the National Assembly into two bodies. In subsequent broadcasts he has invented the story of a supposed plot by Mujibur Rahman to arrest Yahea Khan, Bhutto and others and declare independence. In a third version on the 28th June he invented the story of mass killing of Non-Bengali residents in Bangla Desh before the 25th March as an excuse for army deployment. Strange though, it may seem yet, it did not occur to any West Pakistani leaders—Yahea, Bhutto, Maulana Maudoodi, Daulatana or anybody else, to mention this supposed killing of non-Bengalis prior to the 25th March as a justification for army intervention. Thirty to forty foreign pressmen including Reuter, U.P.I., B.B.C., N.B.C. were in Dacca till the 26th night before they were forcibly shuttled out of East Bengal in a chartered plane by the army. Not one of them mentioned the killing of non-Bengalis in their despatches. The theme of Indian infiltrators masquerading as Mukti Fouz came out later still. When the volume of
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mass exodus into India passed the six million mark and was testified to by every foreign journalist, diplomat and politician whoever cared to visit the refugee camps on the Indian side of the border, Yahea conceded that panicky people had really left the country. To the West Pakistani people and the Muslim countries of the Middle East Yahea Government have tried to give still a different version. They were made to believe that the movement for autonomy of East Pakistan was instigated by the Hindus and the Hindu oriented Muslims or half Muslims of East Bengal and that it was an anti-Islamic conspiracy to wreck the Muslim state of Pakistan. The news of mass killing of village people, of arson, loot and plunder, of rape of women by the army were completely blacked out in the Pakistani Press and state controlled radio. The press was free to publish government press notes alone. Not a single journalist from outside Pakistan or even from West Pakistan had been allowed to see for himself of what was going on in Bangla Desh. On the 16th June, after weeks of genocidal killing a batch of six trusted Pakistani journalists from West Pakistan had been allowed to visit selected places in Bangla Desh under army escort. One of the trusted journalist was Mascarenhas of Morning News, Karachi—who was so shocked and moved at what he saw that he decided to risk his career in order to tell the truth. He has justifiably become famous for his very graphic report of the happenings in Bangla Desh published in the Sunday Times on the 23rd June, 1971. This report was the first eye-witness account from within Pakistan by a ‘trusted’ Pakistani journalist. Spates of reports in the world press on Bangla Desh by foreign correspondents have appeared since detailing on the misery of the Bangla Desh people—though less has been written on the guerilla operation of the Mukti Fouz so far.
The only West Pakistani newspaper which dared to question the wisdom of the army operations in East Bengal defying one embargo imposed on the press was quickly brought to book and the editor was sent to prison for six months by a summary military court. That was three months after the operation started. The Blitz-kreig on Bangla Desh which the army-generals had planned for seventy two hours initially has now entered the ninth month of relentless fighting with a loss on the army side estimated at forty thousand dead or injured by a conservative stunt.
But why did the army go in for such an expensive operation—expensive in terms of men, money and prestige,—risking even the very existance of Pakistan?
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A STORY OF EXPLOITATION AND DEPRIVATION
The gradual reduction of the Bengalees into a role of political and economic subservience in Pakistan compelled the Bengalee intellectuals to go into the retionale of the developments in Pakistan during the last twenty three years and the search exposed them to discoveries and conclusion which were as unsuspected as they were painful. The concept of Pakistan as a unified structure seemed at best only a well meant myth and the religion of Islam as the basis of a nationhood a mirage. In practice, territorial and cultural affiliations of the West Pakistanis supervened the requirements of a national or democratic policy. Small incidents and incongruities, an omission here, a mistake there on the part of the Muslim League Leadership since the thirties which were glossed over by the Bangalees in the fervour and enthusiasm for the independence movement now seemed in retrospect to be all of a piece deliberate and motivated by the interests of the Leadership which was in non-Bengali hands. To the disillusioned eye, the record of political developments starting from the very genesis of the Pakistan movement took on the aspects of a conspiracy against the Bengalees.
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Sir Mohammad Iqbal, the famous Urdu Poet had in 1933 given expression to the political necessary of a Muslim state carved out of the Muslim majority areas of India. In this visionary picture of Pakistan proposed to comprise of the Punjab, Sind, Baluchistan and North West Frontier and Kashmir—there was no mention of Bengal or Muslim majority areas of Assam.
In 1936, another gentleman a Cambridge student, Mr. Rahmatullah by name, had written a book elaborating the idea of Iqbal and formulated the name ‘Pakistan’ for the proposed state. Bengal or Assam was not included in this scheme either but Afghanistan was. Rahamatullah claimed that the arrived at the state by way of a conundrum which was ‘P’ for Punjab, ‘A’ for Afghanistan and North West Frontier Province, ‘K’ for Kashmir, and ‘stan’ for Baluchistan.
There is nothing by way of a written document, speech or institution of the public or private meetings of the Muslim League meeting the sense of Muslim State in India which mentioned Bengal or Assam as a part of that state till 1940. The Pakistan institution adopted by the Annual convention of All India Muslim league in Lahore in 1940 included Bengal and Assam in the proposed Pakistan for the first time. This resolution, it is useful remember, was moved by the undisputed Muslim Leader of Bengal, Sher-e-Bangla A.K. Fazlul Huq. Prior to the final transfer of power Lord Mountbatten proposed an interim Government of India in which he invited both the Indian Congress and the Muslim League to participate. Jinnah decided to join the interim government on the 15th October, 1946. The panel of Ministers of present the Muslim League included Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, I.I. Chundrigar, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar, Raja Gazanfar Ali Khan and Jogendra Nath Mondal. It looks Muslim Bengal of A.K. Fazlul Huq, H.S.Suhrawardy, Abul Hashim or even “Paky loyal” Khawaja Nazimuddin were carefully avoided. A political non-entity like Jogendra Nath Mondal had been resurrection from nowhere with an intention to wean away the underprivileged Hindu scheduled caste support from the upper caste gentleman dominated Congress. Jogendra Nath Mondal was a docile man in the hands of the Legaue and being a Hindu there was no one of any challenge to the Muslim League non-Bengali Leadership from him anyway. This evasion is all the more ironic since by a few months back in a referendum on the partition issue forty eight per cent of the Bengali Muslims had cast nine per cent the Punjabi Muslims. The unequivocal Bengal mandate was legal as basis in the bargain for power but claims of the Bengali Leadership to that power was by-passed in a very undemocracy owner. Subsequent history of Pakistan is a history of systematic elimination of Bengali Leadership from positions of influence the power in Pakistan through a series of evasion, prevarication, accent and undemocratic surreptitious manoeuvres.
The Muslim League leadership dominated by West Pakistan feudal overlords and emigree Nawabzadas and nascent capitalist aspirants from Northern India refused to give the country a general election or even a constitution for ten years. Sher-e-Bangla A.K. Fazlul Huq, Mr. H.S. Suhrawardy, Moulana Bhasani who were disaffected with Muslim League leadership and its motivation were thus held at bay and could have done little save through agitational politics to compel the Muslim League to surrender power. A mere recounting of the names of prominent Muslim Leaguers in India of this time like Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, Raja Gazanfar Ali, Malik Khijir Hayat Khan, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar, Nawabzada Nasrullah, Amir of Kalabagh would make it obvious that these Nawabs, Rajas, Sardars, Maliks and Amirs representing the Muslim feudal class of Northern India alien to the idea of sharing power with anybody democratically had brought along with them the miasam of authoritarianism and palace conspiracy into the political apparatus of the country. The Nawabs of Dacca who had played a leading role in the founding of the Indian Muslim League in 1906 never identified themselves with the mass of Bengali Muslims and spoke Urdu. Khawaja Nazimuddin, a member of Dacca Nawab family by birth, orientation and training a non-Bengali feudal was content to play a suppliant role to the fellow members of his class in the Muslim League leadership. Democracy never really has had a chance in Pakistan from the very beginning.
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The assassinations of Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, Abdul Gafur Khan, first Governor of the Unit of West Pakistan, Amir of Khalabagh, the Governor of West Pakistan, Sahed Ali Patwari, the speaker of East Bengal Assembly in 1958, the death of Mr. Jinnah under circumstances not quite natural, the lonely premature death of Suhrawardy in an apartment of a Beirut hotel, all compel one’s attention by their recurrence and archetypal pattern.
It would, however, be wrong to associate these deaths and murders with the feudal elements in the Muslim League alone. The Amirs and the Nawabzadas, it is true, were losing their grip on a fast changing society with its accent on industrialization and metropolitan civilization where the capitalists were emerging as the dominating factor. Some landlords circumvented the situation by appropriating the role of the capitalists themselves by investing in the industries. Their basic suspicion and antipathy towards….
In 1949-50 Rs. 351.6 million were spent on development programmes in Pakistan and in 1950-51 Rs. 465.8 million. Of this, ninety percent was spent in West Pakistan.
In 1951 West Pakistan appropriated the whole lot of 52,000 tons of pig iron that was imported for Pakistan.
Take the expenditures on education : In 1950 Dacca University got an annual grant of Rs. 7 million as against Rs. 41 million allocated to the University of Punjab.
During 1950-51 the three radio transmitting stations of West Pakistan received a total amount of Rs. 912 thousand while Dacca received Rs. 192 thousand only.
In the same year, of the total defence expenditure of Rs. 800 million, Rs. 780 million were spent in West Pakistan.
Between 1948-53 whatever foreign currency Bangal Desh earned by selling its jute abroad was spent in building up of industries in West Pakistan.
“During the first and Second Five-Year-Plan period, the then East Pakistan received a total amount of Rs. 79.555 crores whereas West Pakistan received Rs. 114.350 crores on account of education.
Till 1961 Bangal Desh earned Rs. 474 crores in foreign exchange through foreign trade while during the same period West Pakistan lost Rs. 703 crores in trade in the international market. (Regional Disparities in Pakistan).
In a press conference on the 4th June, 1958 Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan, the Chief Minister of the then East Pakistan disclosed that between 1947 and 1957 revenue earnings from the then East Pakistan totalled Rs. 222 crores, while a paltry sum of Rs. 63 crores only was spent for Bangla Desh from this sum. During the same period the earnings on account of revenue from West Pakistan was Rs. 811 crores but spent Rs. 1005 crores. These figures, however give only an incomplete account of the situation. Federal or central government expenditures are excluded from this account. In the federal expenditures as well the balance was decidedly tipped in favour of West Pakistan always.
Take Defence expenditure, for example, since the head quarters of all the three forces—the army, the navy and the air-force and all the important defence installations are in West Pakistan better part of defence budget is spent in West Pakistan. During the ten years from 1947 to 1957 Rs. 480 crores had been spent on account of Defence in West Pakistan while the amount spent in Bangla Desh was Rs. 18 crores
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only. During 1962-63, defence expenditure in West Pakistan was Rs. 100 crores while in Bangla Desh it was Rs. 1 crore only.
According to an account given by John H. Power in ‘Pakistan Development Review’—during the period of 1948-61 West Pakistan has appropriated a total sum of Rs. 150 crores following from the export surplus of the then East Pakistan. In addition to this West Pakistan has earned another Rs. 350 crores by selling its manufactured goods in Bangla Desh. In the same account, Power points out that Bangla Desh has also been deprived of Rs. 500 crores—its share of foreign aid. Thus adding all these together we find that West Pakistan has coaxed, cajoled or cheated Bangla Desh of Rs. 1000 crores in the name of integrity of Pakistan. All this extra money has gone into the industrial expansion of West Pakistan which multiplied prosperity for one wing of the country while the other wing—the eastern wing languished and the economic gap widened and virtually became unbridgeable.
In the first Five-Year-Plan Bangla Desh received a loan of Rs. 98 crores while West Pakistan received Rs. 496 crores. According to an estimate made in 1057, West Pakistan almost monopolizes the metallurgical and electronic industries by producing 98 percent of the gross output. Manufacture of shoes and other associated leather industries are likewise monopolized by West Pakistan, Bangla Desh producing only 4 percent of the total output.
Textile was one of the most flourishing industry in Bangla Desh before partition. There was hardly any textile industry in West Pakistan worth the name. Yet in course of the twenty four years since independence the industrial policy has been manipulated in such a manner that Bangla Desh now produces only less than 25 percent of the total textile products.
The heavy and the basic industries of Pakistan are mainly dependent on imported materials. Bangla Desh has paid for these import items by selling its jute and tea. Bangla Desh is as much in need of industrialisation and needs foreign exchange to buy capital goods and machinery from abroad. But the import policy is designed to suit, West Pakistan. The more industrialized West Pakistan has developed further more. Relentless has been its policy of exploitation of Bangla Desh. Bangla Desh instead of developing its industries has become a mere supplier of raw materials like raw hide, tobacco and oil seeds. On the other hand, it has to buy the same items in manufactured form of shoes, cigarettes and mustard oil from West Pakistan. And most often East Pakistan has to buy these items at a price much higher than she would buy from elsewhere and all this on the pretext of protecting national industries.
The situation was bad enough in 1959 of which we have a graphic account. In that year Bangla Desh had to import the following items from West Pakistan.
| Shoes valued at | Rs. 50,37000/- |
| Soaps | Rs. 33,04000/- |
| Cigarettes | Rs. 1,51,33000/- |
| Textile | Rs. 2,70,90000/- |
| Suger | Rs. 9,05000/- |
| Mustard and Linseed oil | Rs. 76,11000/- |
| Salt | Rs. 54,67000/- |
In the five years between 1955 and 1960 forty eight percent of the manufactured goods imported in Bangla Desh came from West Pakistan. During the same period, however, goods from Bangla Desh constituted only 17.5% of the total imports of West Pakistan.
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We have tried to give below a tabular account of the export-import situation between the two wings of Pakistan during 1948-1970 period.
EXPORT
| Year | Bangla Desh | West Pakistan |
| 1948/49 | Rs. 429 millions | Rs. 529 millions |
| 1949/50 | Rs. 629 millions | Rs. 565 millions |
| 1950/51 | Rs. 1211 millions | Rs. 1343 millions |
| 1951/52 | Rs. 1087 millions | Rs. 922 millions |
| 1952/53 | Rs. 642 millions | Rs. 868 millions |
| 1953/54 | Rs. 645 millions | Rs. 641 millions |
| 1954/55 | Rs. 732 millions | Rs. 491 millions |
| 1955/56 | Rs. 1041 millions | Rs. 743 millions |
| 1956/57 | Rs. 909 millions | Rs. 699 millions |
| 1957/58 | Rs.988 millions | Rs. 434 millions |
| 1958/59 | Rs. 881 millions | Rs. 444 millions |
| C/o | Rs. 9194 millions | Rs. 7679 millions |
| Year | Bangla Desh | West Pakistan |
| B/f | Rs. 9194 millions | Rs. 7679 millions |
| 1959/60 | Rs. 1080 millions | Rs. 763 millions |
| 1960/61 | Rs. 1259 millions | Rs. 540 millions |
| 1961/62 | Rs. 1301 millions | Rs. 542 millions |
| 1962/63 | Rs. 1249 millions | Rs. 998 millions |
| 1963/64 | Rs. 1224 millions | Rs. 1075 millions |
| 1964/65 | Rs. 1268 millions | Rs. 1140 millions |
| 1965/70 | Rs. 7786 millions | Rs. 7835 millions |
| Rs. 24361 millions | Rs. 20572 millions |
IMPORT
| Year | Bangla Desh | West Pakistan |
| 1948/49 | Rs. 282 millions | Rs. 1177 millions |
| 1949/50 | Rs. 385 millions | Rs. 912 millions |
| 1950/51 | Rs. 453 millions | Rs. 1167 millions |
| 1951/52 | Rs. 763 millions | Rs. 1474 millions |
| 1952/53 | Rs. 366 millions | Rs. 1018 millions |
| 1953/54 | Rs. 294 millions | Rs. 824 millions |
| 1954/55 | Rs. 320 millions | Rs. 783 millions |
| 1955/56 | Rs. 361 millions | Rs. 964 millions |
| 1956/57 | Rs. 819 millions | Rs. 1516 millions |
| 1957/58 | Rs. 736 millions | Rs. 1314 millions |
| 1958/59 | Rs. 554 millions | Rs. 1024 millions |
| 1959/60 | Rs. 655 millions | Rs. 1806 millions |
| 1960/61 | Rs. 1014 millions | Rs. 2174 millions |
| 1961/62 | Rs. 873 millions | Rs. 2236 millions |
| 1962/63 | Rs. 1019 millions | Rs. 2800 millions |
| 1963/64 | Rs. 1489 millions | Rs. 2941 millions |
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| Year | Bangla Desh | West Pakistan |
| 1964/65 | Rs. 1702 millions | Rs. 3672 millions |
| 1965/70 | Rs. 7885 millions | Rs. 16165 millions |
| Rs. 19970 millions | Rs. 43967 millions |
From the account given above we find that during 1949-70 period Bangla Desh earned Rs. 24361 m. through exports of which only Rs. 19970 m. were spent for buying things from the foreign markets i.e., a balance surplus of Rs. 4391 m. On the other hand, West Pakistan earned Rs. 20572 m. in foreign exchange but overspent to the tune of Rs. 43967 m. on imports. The surplus foreign exchange earned by Bangla Desh went in to pay for West Pakistan’s deficit in foreign trade.
Bangla Desh has remained an agrarian country whlie West Pakistan was entering the industrial era. But agriculture in Bangla Desh fared even worse than her industry in the hands of West Pakistani policy-makers. The cultivators are given loans through the Agricultural Banks and Co-operative Societies. During 1947-48 the Co-operative Societies in Bangla Desh advanced loans to the tune of two million rupees. By 1957 the amount allocated as loans shrank to a paltry sum of hundred and fifty thousand rupees only. Upto 1960 agricultural loan advanced in West Pakistan amounted to Rs. 216.3 m. whereas during the same period Bangla Desh received Rs. 13.2 m. only. Much has been heard about the Flood Control Scheme for Bangla Desh whlie the country floated in water at every onset of the monsoons for the last twenty four years. No money apparently was available for the much trumpeted scheme. But ironically money was never a problem for comparable projects in West Pakistan. Rs. 1500 m. was spent for the project for de-salinization of the Sind plateau. The Ruppur Atomic Power Plant Project in Bangla Desh was shelved after much prevarication and bureaucratic manuoevering on the pretex of paucity of funds, but there was no dearth of money for Karachi Atomic Power Plant Project which went ahead towards completion all right.
In the sphere of Scientific and Technological Research bureaucratic chicanery and discrimination against Bangla Desh, is even more brazen and shameless. In ten years from 1954 to 1963 Bangla Desh received Rs. 19.1 m. for Scientific Research. During the same period West Pakistan spent Rs. 76.2 m. on the same account.
In the year 1965-66 only Rs. 7 m. was allocated for Scientific Research in Bangla Desh and Rs. 13 m. for West Pakistan. Dr. Kudrat-i-Khuda, the then Director of CSIR, Eastern Region, Dacca, and a Scientist of international repute protested against such discriminatory policy and asked for a fairer deal for Bangla Desh. Central authorities of the Government of Pakistan answered the criticism by removing him from the Post of Director, CSIR, Dacca.
Deprivation of Bangla Desh was everywhere, in every sphere of life. A look at the statistics of the distribution of Central services reveals the step-motherly treatment of the Pakistani rulers towards the Bengalees. The table below shows the situation in 1955.
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| Department | Bengalees employed | West Pakistani employed |
| Central Secretariate | 42 | 692 |
| Industrial Development Corporation | 3 | 132 |
| Radio | 14 | 98 |
| Supply and Development | 15 | 164 |
| Railway | 14 | 158 |
| Post and Telegraph | 50 | 279 |
| Agricultural Economci Aid Corporation | 10 | 38 |
| Survey | 2 | 64 |
| Air Force | 75 | 1,025 |
CENTRAL SECRETARIATE
| Post | Bengalee | West Pakistan |
| Joint Secretary | 8 | 22 |
| Deputy Secretary | 23 | 59 |
| Class I Gazetted Officer | 811 | 3,769 |
| Class II Gazetted Officer | 884 | 4,805 |
| Class II Non-Gazetted Officer | 1,180 | 5,551 |
| Class III Non-Gazetted Officer | 13,724 | 1,37,975 |
Never a Bengalee was appointed a Secretary in Pakistan.
DISPARITY IN FOREIGN SERVICE
| A Statistics of 1965 | Bengalee | West Pakistan |
| Class One Officers (with Foreign diplomats & Ambassador) | 58 | 179 |
| Class Two Officers | 48 | 196 |
A further look at Educational and Medical Institution statistics reveals the results of this policy of sustained discriminations. The table below shows the situation in 1955.
| Institutions | Bangla Desh | West Pakistan |
| New Colleges | 0 | 1 |
| Old Colleges | 56 | 76 |
| Medical Colleges | 1 | 6 |
| Engineering Colleges | 1 | 3 |
| Universities | 2 | 4 |
| Schools (Primary) | 2,217 | 6,246 |
| Hospital Beds | 5,589 | 17,614 |
| Maternity Hospitals | 22 | 118 |
There was palpable discrimination in the field of education as well. In 1951 in Bangla Desh 41,484 students got their graduation Degree certificates, but in 1961 the number was reduced to 28,069. On the other hand, during the same period the number of graduates in West Pakistan was increased from 44,504 to 54,000. In 1951 in Bangla Desh 8117 students got their post graduate degree, while in 1961 only 7,146 students qualified themselves and there was a decrease by 10.7 per cent. But in the same period in West
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Pakistan the number was increased from 14,429 to 24,324 and as such, there was an increase by 68.6 per cent.
From the above account it becomes amply clear how nakedly and Shamelessly West Pakistani powers have looted and cheated Bangla Desh. Political cover has been given to this economic exploitation under various pretexts of controlled democracy, basic democracy, martial law and naked dictatorship. Religion being mooted as the very basis of a supposed Muslim nationhood—had come in very handy with the crafty politicians of Pakistan. The popular sentiment for Islam has been roused whenever the ‘mentors’ precipitated a crisis through their policy of exploitation and suppression of the people.
The noble teachings of Islam—its accent on international fraternity has been given a political twist in Pakistan. By emphasizing confraternity of Western and Eastern Wings, attempts have consistently been made to mask the economic and political suppression and exploitation of Bangla Desh. Whenever the people of Bangla Desh raised demands for democracy and justice, the bogey of Islam being in danger has been raised in an effort to create confusion, and division amongst people. Communal riots between the Hindus and the Muslims, Sectarian riots between fanatical Jamatists and liberal Kwadianis have been cleverly incited and manipulated by the vested interest groups to divert the attention of the people from the political sphere. It is a common knowledge with the Bangla Desh Labour Unions that violent riots between indigenous Bengali labourers and domiciled non-Bengali refugee labourers have more than once been provoked to foil political movements in Bangla Desh. Innocent gullible people have been victims of such monitored violence and nefarious conspiracies. Thus exploitation, loot and plunder of Bangla Desh have gone on in the name of Islam, of integrity of Pakistan, in the name of a strong centre. Bangla Desh has become impoverished and the situation has gone from bad to worse with every passing day. West Pakistan has fattened at the expense of Bangla Desh. But even the craftiest of manipulation has his blind spot, his Achilles’ heel. The exploiters of West Pakistan have overplayed their hand. The bogey of Islam, the subterfuge of basic democracy, the rouse of Kashmir, the slogan of integrity and solidarity of Pakistan have been used too often to become suspect in the eyes of the people of Bangla Desh. In their very attempt to rouse narrow fanatical religious passions for politcal purposes in the people of Bangla Desh—the rulers have helped in the growth of the idea of secular politics as a desirable goal worth striving for.
The growth and clarification of this idea was a slow one but its progress was unmistakable. Once the intellectuals and politicians had identified the root of the political trouble in the exploitation of Bangla Desh—the ideas of secullarism, democracy and justice for Bangla Desh have converged at the focal point of Bengali political consciousness and a new phase in the political scene of Pakistan had begun—the phase of an all-out resistance. The will to resist was forged at the anvil of suffering, deprivation and anger. The politics of supplication and constitutional manouevers by professional politicians gave place to incendiary violence in the streets, bazaars and the river stations. The people had come out in hundreds and thousands in the streets of the cities, have gathered in millions in the maidans all over Bangla Desh resolving to fight unto the last drop of blood for justice, freedom and democracy—to fight the exploitation of Bangla Desh by the West Pakistanis. The situation became desperate. The ruling clique which held sway on Pakistan made a strategic retreat through the abdication of President Field Marshall Ayub Khan. The interim Government of General Yahea Khan was made to promise democracy and fairplay. But democracy could work only one way—in favour of numerically superior Bangla Desh. No amount of insidious attempt at creating division amongst the people of Bangla Desh on the eve of the election was of any avail. The people of Bangla Desh stood like a solid rock behind Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, through election, through the post election non-co-operation movement. The military Junta behind Yahea Khan thought time had come to dispense with niceties of constitutionalism, legality and Presidential code of honour and act nakedly and brutually. Army terror was let loose upon the people of Bangla Desh, who had no military organisation, arms or even means of self-defence. Forty thousand people were killed in Dacca city in course of seventy two hours since the night of the 25th March.
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As many died in Chittagong. Initially people were terrorised allright but not subdued. The people of Bangla Desh have now learnt to handle a gun or a grenade and a relentless fight back has ensued. The fake hope of Tikka Khan of subduing Bangla Desh once and for all within seventy two hours has proved a mirage. The freedom fighters have grown from strength to strength.
But it would be wrong to assume that the resistance started only since the 25th March, 1971. It started much earlier—earlier than most of the political historians are at the moment inclined to assume. The resistance has come by way of response to West Pakistani onslaughts on Bengali way of life and language, on political and economic activities and aspirations. The establishment of Democratic Youth League, East Pakistan Muslim Students League signified the growing consciousness of a need to keep a watchful eye on the activities of this group of people who were at the helm of affairs in Pakistan. These innoccuous platforms of student acitivities in Bangla Desh soon enough proved very effective political organisation and for sometime provided the critical element in Bangla Desh politics. The emergence of these student organisations in the political arena came in the wake of the language movement which started in 1948.
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ATTACKS ON BENGALI LANGUAGE AND CULTURE
AND PEOPLE’S RESISTANCE
Language is an aspect of human labour and a social product. It is a product of necessity. But it is not only a social product, it is an instrument of social change at the same time. Just as the development of language is dependent on the development and evolution of human society, similarly, the development of a language contributes to the growth and prosperity of a society. Language, for instance, is a critical element in the growth and formation of national consciousness. It is through a language that the hopes and aspirations of a nation, its joys and sorrows, fears and anxieties are expressed. A nation defines itself through its language. The sense of belonging to a community, the feeling of togetherness, the sense of sharing each other’s nuances of thought, feelings, memories and nostalgias are all generated through this sharing of a common instrument of expression. That is why the contribution of a language in the forging of a nationahood is so important. The master minds of political chess in Pakistan knew this truth very well.
On two points at least the administrators of Pakistani politics were very clear. First, they were very sensitive of the fact that Pakistan was born on the basis of a negative emotion-hatred—hatred against the dominant community—the Hindus. Secondly, they, being Muslim Leaguers also suffered from the guilt complex that Muslim League had never distinguished itself as an anti-British and anit-imperialist organisation. Never had they given a call for mass movement from the platform of Muslim League against British imperialism, not to speak of drawing a blue print for revolution. The Britishers somehow or other escaped from being the prime target of attack of the Muslim Leaguers. Indian Muslim League was more interested in making the Hindus villain of the piece and all its propaganda diatribe was directed against them.
In Bengal, most of the Landlords and moneyed men, the ‘mahajans’ who controlled the economy were Hindus. The Muslims, though far outnumbering the Hindus in terms of population were very poor and most often tenant, cultivators under these Hindu landlords. They were easy prey to various methods of exploitation at the hands of these landlords and ‘mahajans’. The poor Muslim cultivator being poor and being a cultivator had hardly any social status in the strictly tiered society dominated by the Hindu conception of caste and professional gradation. Caste Hindu ‘bhadraloks’ looked down upon the Muslim
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mass as of lowly origin and equated them with the lowest Hindu caste, tolerated on sufferance at the periphery of society. Personal attainments, talent or education on the part of a Muslim boy coming from the peasant background would do little to alleviate the pervading social ostracism and exclusiveness of Hindu society. The resutant bitterness of an educationally or otherwise endowed Muslim individual in the face of such social and economic discrimination and exploitation was the happy hunting ground for the communalists in the Muslim League. There were Muslim ‘mahajans’ and ‘zaminders’, the professional competitors of their Hindu counterparts who had gathered in the Muslim League for obvious reasons of class interest. These people were eager to cash in on the prevailing social experience of the Muslim mass in a Hindu dominated society. The ruling Britishers, eager to hold on to power as long as they could were too helpful in foisting this class of Muslim Zaminders, Shahibzadas and mahajans on the Muslim mass as their natural leaders of their community and thereby raise a countervailing power against the restive Hindu leadership in India veering too much and too dangerously towards demands for self-government. The prevailing tension and dissatisfaction in society which had its roots in colonial and indigenous exploitation and which was pregnant with secular revolutionary possibilities degenerated into a communal miasma. The Nawabs and the Knights in the Muslim League were naturally offered eager protection by the English rulers. In return for all the projection that the Britishers were doing for them the Leaguers spoke more with passion against the Hindus—their professional rivals than against the British, their covert allies. The illierate, poverty-ridden, socially outcaste Muslim mass of Bengal were made a pawn in a nefarious game of political bidding and barter. The communal situation came in handy to the Muslim Leaguers. The purpose of divide et empera was achieved by the colonial powers. As a consequence, we see that while all the other political parties of India were eager to drive away the British from India, while Gandhiji’s ‘Quit India’ movement had attained the crest of the nationalist tide, while national imagination was afired at Netaji Subhas Bose’s dramatically bringing Indian National Army at the threshold of India’s eastern frontier—Indian Muslim League apparently did not exist on the Indian scene at all. In subsequent months when the Hindus and the Muslim alike had been impelled to come out in the streets joining in united political demonstrations on the occasion of Netaji Day, Rashid Ali Day, Shahnawaj Day, or the Day celebrated to express solidarity with Naval Revolt in Bombay—Muslim League remained a mute spectator. It is a matter of pride and pleasure to recollect that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, then a student leader of Islamia College, Calcutta was amongst the millions who joined the procession on those days. The only mass protest day that the Muslim League could bring itself to conceive and organise was the ‘Direct Action Day’ on the 16th of August 1946—not by any means directed against British imperialists but against Hindu neighbours. The term Hindu to a Bengali Muslim became a heavily loaded emotional counter and all difference between a communal Hindu and genuine nationalist or liberal democrat or radical secular socialist were obliterated so long he happened to be a Hindu and Muslim League feudal leadership made subtle inroads into Muslim mind without contributing anything to the freedom movement. Muslim masses were successfully alienated from the best traditions in Indian leadership—the anti-imperialist liberal, secular and radical elements in the freedom movement. The Bengali Muslim mass had to go it all over again since independence and learn it the hard bitter way. The passion of hatred incited by the Muslim League in its conspiracy to capture and share political power in India proved too negative to be a lasting base of political action in Pakistan after independence. The conspiratorial nature of the Muslim League leadership was soon betrayed by its anti-democratic manouevers in Pakistan since partition. The real cause of misery and poverty of Muslim peasants in Bengal which was masked under the bogey of communalism was exposed Religion could no longer be used as a political lever in Bangla Desh and as days wore by persistent efforts, by fanatical communal parties like the Muslim League or Jamat-e-Islam only helped in the gradual erosion of public support of these parties in Bangla Desh.
All this was feared by the Muslim League leadership even from the start. They knew they had enlisted the support of Bengali Muslim through a game of cheating. The inalienable right of a Bengali Muslim to Bengali language, literature and culture with rich tradition of democratic secular humanism might assert some day in political terms and the myth of Islam may prove too inadequate to buttress the
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artificially foisted leadership of the Muslim League. Or even worse, the very leadership which advocated Muslim Nationahood in India might be identified as the class enemy of resurgent Bengali masses. Hence predominantly non-Bengali Muslim League leadership was ill-at-ease with Bengali Muslim mind and its distinctive traditions even from the start. One of the possibilities to forestall a distinctive Bengali leadership from emerging was to nip it in the bud by suppressing the very traditions—linguistic and cultural—which nourished the Bengali consciousness.
The existence of the other half of Bengal—the Hindu half just across the border of Bangla Desh made them even more nervous. Subsequent attempts on the part of West Pakistani leadership to protect Bengali Muslim from supposed Hindu contamination reveal this anxiety and lead one to suspect if the Muslim League leadership itself believed in the theory of two nations.
Hence the non-Bengali leadership from the very start set about the business of suppressing or wiping out Bengali distinctiveness from ‘Muslim’ Bangla Desh. Bengali language, being the most potent vehicle of these distinctive traits was discouraged. Defying all cannons of democratic polity Urdu was proposed as the only state language of the new state by-passing the claims of Bengali language. In a session of the constituent assembly on the 25th February, 1948 Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan declared “Pakistan is a Muslim State. Urdu alone shall be the state language of Pakistan and no other language.”
Besides putting East Bengal at a perenial disadvantage the imposition of Urdu—it was hoped, would achieve another thing equally if not more (!) important to the West Pakistanis. That was the severance of literacy and cultural relationship between two Bengals. Thus the first step towards making Bengali Muslims purer Muslims would have been taken through the administration pf proper dose of Urdu. In the wake of propagation of Urdu in Bengal attempts were to b made to pure Bengali language of Hindu elements out, injecting Arabic and Urdu words instead. The very ultimate that was proposed in this direction was to introduce by an act of parliament Arabic script for Bengali language. All this to protect and preserve Muslim ‘nationhood’ from falling apart.
However, protests against the idea was spontaneous and immediate in Bangla Desh. Khawaja Nazimuddin, the then Chief Minister of East Bengal—an Urdu speaking man himself expressed his surprise at the fact that anybody should oppose the idea of Urdu as state language at all. In his eagerness to please his overlords in Karachi he tried to pass it off as the sentiment of thoughtless few in Dacca.
The gathering storm of language movement overcast the political sky of East Bengal sooner than one expected. On the 11th of March 1948 there were strikes and processions of the students all over Bangla Desh. The students demonstrators, pickets and processionists had clashed with the police on Dacca streets. Even were not spread at the time of lathi-charge at the High Court premises. Hundreds were arrested. But Khawaja Nazimuddin had to retract his assessment and yield partially in the face of violent upsurge at Dacca. In the provincial assembly session being held at this time he had to allow a resolution to be moved and passed recommending the inclusion of Bengali alongside Urdu as the other state language of Pakistan.
The hasty retraction of Nazimuddin and his like on the language issue was but a strategic retreat. The coterie of Muslim League leadership in the Centre and its lackeys in Bangla Desh chose to bide their time for a better opportunity to strike back again. No less a person than Mr. Jinnah, the founder of the new state himself was persuaded to exert his charisma in an effort to resolve the issue in favour of Urdu. But no amount of veneration and personal allegiance to Jinnah, which was plenty among the Bengalees at one time, was of way avail.
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In first ever convocation of Dacca University after independence held on March 24, 1948 Jinnah declared from the chair of the Chief Guest ‘Urdu and Urdu alone shall be the state language of Pakistan.’ Jinnah could not have chosen a better occasion to make the declaration. He had all the advantages of the solemnity of the occasion, a highly sophisticated audience and his personal charisma. Yet the magic apparently did not work. There was an uneasy silence for a moment which was splintered by angry shouts of “No! No! No!” from the students all over the hall. The radio people engaged in recording the speech were non-pulsed for a moment and did not know what to do. The shouts of protest were recorded along with the speech. But it had never been broadcast over the radio.
Mr. Jinnah was as much taken aback by the unified voice of dissent. In anger and ignominy he left the convocation hall. But before he left he had the bitter taste of a personal failure. Bengal had apparently made it clear once and for all that she was not willing to swallow everything though it be prescribed by no less august a person than the very founder of the state himself. Bengal had asserted that its rights had to be honoured and if its sentiments were ignored it could be only to the peril of league leadership.
Jinnah never again recovered the same image and stature amongst the elite in Bangla Desh after this debacle. He died before the year was out—a broken hearted man. The coterie which had consolidated its position in the higher echelons of power in Pakistan even before the death of Jinnah were little to be discouraged by their initial discomfiture over the language issue. If Urdu could not be imposed straight away they had planned other ways of subverting Bengali language and literature. It was proposed through the education ministry that uniform script be used for both Bengali and Urdu and quite predictibly Arabic script was suggested for Bengali language and not the other way round. There was a complementary suggestion that more Urdu and Arabic words be used in Bengali to bring it as near to Urdu as possible. The central government of Pakistan spread no pains to force down the throats of the Bengalees. Literary department faithfully dished out copies samples of the kind of hybrid Bengali the central planners had in mind. The result was a motley combination mostly comical which neither pleased nor inspired.
Apart from the linguistic objections to this monstrosity—the political implications of the experiment were too repugnant for the Bengalees to be accepted by the academicians of Bangla Desh. The way in which the whole thing was engineered exhibited bad faith on the part of the people behind it. The people, along with the intelligentsia scornfully rejected the idea.
The theme of making Urdu the only state language of Pakistan, however, kept coming back as a refrain in the speeches of Muslim League politicians for sometime still. After the death of Mr. Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan thought of having a go at it on November 27, 1848 in a meeting held at the Univeristy playground. In almost identical words he had no sooner declared his intention of making Urdu the only state language of Pakistan than a large section of the crowd produced hundreds of black ‘kerchiefs’ from their pockets and fluttered these on his fair face.
In 1952, Khawaj Nazimuddin tried the old game again. In a public meeting held at the Paltan Maidan, Dacca, on the 26th January he announced in the same vein as Jinnah that Urdu alone should be the state language of Pakistan. The announcement did not go unchallenged. This time protest did not end with the meeting. On the 30th January a student meeting was held in the University grounds at Dacca and a huge procession was brought out after the meeting. It was followed up by a more ambitious programme of strike in all the educational institutions of Dacca on the 4th of February, a general public meeting in the University and a procession after meeting. The strike, the meeting and the procession were all successful. In the evening a meeting of representatives of all political parties and non-political organisations other than the Muslim League was convened in the bar-library hall. In this meeting it was resolved to form an all party action committee to properly organize and conduct the language movement.
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The all party action committee in its first meeting decided to organize province-wide strike, meeting and procession on the 21th of February. Funds were collected by selling paperflags and badges in the streets of Dacca on the 11th, 12th, and 13th of February.
On the 20th February section 144 Cr. P.C. was imposed on Dacca. An atmosphere of suspense and tension prevailed in Dacca. Patients in the Medical College Hospital were encouraged to leave the Hospital, if possible. Medical College Hospital was located next to the University, obviously the University was the focal point of this tension. The action committee met after dusk to review the changed circumstances. The representatives of political parties in the committee were inclined to postpone the programme. Their decision was swayed by the considerations of the prospect of ensuing election. They were apprehensive lest the violation of section 144 engender widespread trouble and violence which the Muslim League government make and excuse of to postpone election. Representatives of the Youth Leauge—Mr. Toaha and Mr. Oli Ahad were adamant on the previous decision and called for a division. They lost by 4 votes to eleven. What was even more exasperating for Toaha-Oli Ahad group was a supplementary decision of the action committee to the effect that the four persons who were in favour of violating section 144 Cr.P.C. would not be allowed to address the public meeting, the next day. If in spite of all this, general students should decide to violate section 144 Cr.P.C. the action committee would stand dissolved automatically. Thus the committee not only opposed the prevailing sentiment in fovour of violating the restrictions on public assembly but even covertly threatened the students not to dare too much. It was a very strange decision and certainly counter-revolutionary anti-people one. The abject surrender of the political parties to such measures of repression was motivated by a not too noble instinct of self preservation at the expense of people’s interests. By thus betraying their weakness and division within the action committee they had indirectly encouraged the government to let violence loose on the people in an unprecedented manner.
The possibility of a violent showdown frightened the professional politicians but made the students all the more excited. The students took it up as a challenge. In the halls of residence of Dacca University it was decided to violate the restrictions the next day. Those who know would be able to identify the bathing ghats on the eastern side of the tank adjoining Dacca Hall. There was a meeting of eleven student leaders on northern on of these ghats in the small hours of the night following the day of the 20th February. The meeting was brief and historical. It was unanimously decided that section 144 Cr.P.C. should be defied. The demand for Bengali could not go by default. A very short programme also was chalked out in this meeting.
The awaited day of the 21st February dawned a few hours later. It was a fateful day in the history of Bangla Desh. Things that happened throughtout the day made history on several counts. The demand for Bengali as state language had never before been voiced in a more militant and uncompromising manner. The students for once had wrested political leadership from the political parties and had given it a revolutioanry content. Students had faced bullets and bayonets while pressing for their demands and thus inspired the people of Bangla Desh as a whole to do likewise in future. A revolutionary rapport was created between the students as vanguard of action and the militant masses which has lasted all through during the last twenty years. Lastly and most importantly, a definite consciousness of ‘Bengali’ distinctiveness superseding Islamic myth was created in Bangla Desh which later on was developed and clarified as ‘Begali nationhood’ in ten years’ time.
The programme for the 21st February was conceived of as a non-violent mass demonstration. Students and the public who assenmbled in the campus meeting were intent on challenging the restrictive order and came out of the University in small groups. The police answered making a brutal lathi-charge on them and entered the campus. Tear gas shells were thrown indiscriminately everywhere, completely ignoring the fact that a few hunderd yards away there was a hospital full a patients. As a matter of fact
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a few shells burst on the very lawns of the hospital. But the lathi-charge achieved little save injuring a number of persons. Scores of students had already courted arrest in the process. Students and the public reassembled and marched on to the Provincial Assembly building nearly. The procession this time was resisted by bullets, the ultimate weapon in the armoury of the ruling class of Pakistan. A few were killed. But could they resist the movement?
Dacca is famous for its ‘gulmohars’ and the month was Falgun. The streets of Ramna lined the gulmohar trees were all afire with the vernal bloom of red and golden gulmohars. The valiant bunch of Barkats, Salams, Rafique and Jabbars that died on Dacca streets on that day of the 21st February as though had paid their homage in sprays of gulmohar—only that these were gulmohars of blood. Bangla Desh had shown that she could not be bullied into accepting unreasonable will of a few scheming politicians even at the point of a gun.
As the news of the outrageous action of the police in Dacca got round in the other parts of the province, it provoked instant protest strikes and street demonstrations everywhere. The whole province was in a turmoil and the administration was brought to a stand still.
The conspirators in Karachi were shaken enough to retrace their steps again. The very existence of Pakistan seemed to be at stake. The choice seemed to be between the acceptance of Bengali as state language or the eventual break-up of the new state. However, the unifying myth of Islam showed signs of cracks. The ruling clique of Pakistan naturally chose the first alternative and agreed to make Bengali the other state language of Pakistan.
In 1956, Pakistan adopted its first constitution. In this constitution Bengali was formally declared as one of the two state languags of Pakistan. Bengali had won its first round of victory. The seed of ‘Bengali nationhood’ was first spread in 1952 state language movement. The movement for Bangla language led on to the present day movement for Bangla Desh.
But the West Pakistani maneouverers had tried to do the best of a bad bargain. Status was won for Bengali language but the status of Bangla Desh as Bengal was subverted in a subtle manner. East Bengal was to be designated as East Pakistan from now on. By this subtle shift in orientation it was hoped that the Bengalees would think of themselves less as Bengalees. The distrust of the West Pakistani leaders towards East Bengali which such measures betrayed all the more embittered the Bengalees.
The constitution makers had not lost the opportunity of harping on the theme of Islam, at such an important occasion. The state was called an Islamic state. This only reflected the nervous diffidence of the constitution makers who were hard put to outgrow the pre-partition minority complex and were still thinking in terms of protection of Muslim interest or Muslim way of life in a Muslim country. Apart from reflecting the nervousness it also betrayed the deep seated anti-democratic propensities of these people, thinking in terms of exclusiveness and monopoly of power. Such atmosphere of exclusiveness they knew would generate distrust and bad blood between communities and prevent them from uniting should ever occasion demand unity. This was particularly aimed at Bangla Desh where, the West Pakistani leaders thought, the relationship between Hindus and Muslims continued to be suffciently cordial in spite of the riots and tension prior to independence. This cordiality between Hindus and Muslims was suspected and the sharing of a common language and literature between them made matters worse in the eyes of erstwhile Islamic Pakistanis. Thus by a peculiar mental jump they had persuaded themselves of the equation by which being Bengalee was tantamount to being half-a-Pakistani if not an anti-Pakistani outright. Jinnah. the founder of Pakistan, however, had conceived of the communitywise participation in post-partition Pakistan differently. He had declared in the inaugural session of the Constituent Assembly on the 14th of August 1947 that the Muslims would cease to be Muslims and the Hindus would cease to
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be reckoned as Hindus in the political sphere. They were all to think in tems of being good Pakistanis. The pious declaration of Jinnah was thrown to the four winds.
Such discriminatory policy apotheosized through the constitution was an impersonal way of implementing the personal wishes of a small group of exploiters who needed this communalism as a weapon in the time of crisis. As a matter of fact whenever the people of Bangla Desh have pressed forward their demands for democratic rights or economic amelioration—these have been dubbed as inspired by the Hindus or Indian agents out to wreck Pakistan. Thus the Hindus were at least partially prevented from participating even in the most progrssive and securlar type of movement be dubbed as engineered by the Hindus.
Cultural subversion took much curder forms. Bengali language though given the status of state language had never been implemented as such. Even currency notes, postage stamps continued to avoid Bengali language. The celebration of the 1st of Baishakh as the Bengali New year’s day was termed as un-Islamic in Islamabad. Bhajan, Kirtan and other Hindu devotional songs had long been discontinued on the Radio Pakistan. Even Tagore songs had been frowned upon by the Radio authorities in Banglad Desh and the broadcasting hours allotted to Tagore songs had been considerably reduced. In 1965 there was a high level attempt at barring Tagore songs altogether.
All these had to be resisted as issues came by. The movement for the implementation of Bengali started. Government tried to placate the rising tide of dissatisfaction centering the issue by accommodating Bengali on the currency notes, postage stamps and money order and certain other provincial proformas. But no effective measure or dateline was suggested for the final switch over to Bengali in administration. Students had to take the initiative again and on their insistence the sign boards on stores, the number plates on cars and other vehicles had to be written in Bengali. Bengali as medium of instruction at the highest level was accepted only recently. It was only since the election in December 1970 that the judiciary and the civil service in Bangla Desh had gathered enough courage to express their willingness to introduce it. The intention of the ruling clique of Pakistan had been foiled.
Since the celebration of the 1st of Baishakh had been officially discouraged, it had to be organized and celebrated more systematically and at a wider scale, if only to tease anl titillate the self righteous priests of Islamabad. ‘Pahela Baishakh’ almost became a national festival in Bangla Desh.
In 1961 a grand week long programme was chalked out to celebrate the first centenary of Tagor’s birth. The intelligentsia of Bangla Desh in a body was behind this celebration. Peevish bureaucrats in the education ministry felt duty bound to issue letters to all principals and teachers of colleges and schools calling for explanation for their participating in the festival. Little was achieved through such letters save steeling the resolve of the intellectuals—the artists, writers, teachers alike in fighting out the issue unto the last.
Thus when in 1965 controversy started centering round a supposed remark of Ayub Khan regarding the place of Tagore in Pakistan the writers, artists and musicians came out with unequivocal protests against any attempt at amputating Tagore from the tradition of Bengali literature and culture.
The Indo Pakistan war had provided a fresh alibi to purge Tagore from Pakistan. After the war the then Minister for Informantion and Broadcasting Mr. Khawaja Shahbuddin in 1965 launched another onslaught on Tagore by barring the braoadcast to Tagore songs over the Pakistani Radio. Even the threat of Defence of Pakistan Rules by which one could be detained or intened by the government without being shown the grounds of arrest, could not deter the students and intellectuals of Bangla Desh from organising protest meets, symposiums and public statements against the decision. The stupid puerile efforts of the
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Khawaja had elicited sharp dununciations from top ranking scientists like Dr. Qudrat-e-Khuda, Dr. Kazi Motahar Hussain, Artists of international repute likde Zoinul Abedin, poetess Sufia Kamal, scholars like Dr. Abdul Hye, Dr. M. Islam, Mr. Ali Ahsan. Dr. Anisuzzaman, all Heads and professors of Bengali departments of different Universities of Bangla Desh, writers like Abul Fazal, Shawkat Osman, poets like Shamsur Rahman, Shahid Quadri and Abdul Ghani Hazari and countless others. The whole country all on a sudden as though had been buzzing with the talk of Tagore. The result was just the opposite of what Khawaja Shahabuddin had intended. Tagore had been rediscovered by the common people of Bangla Desh. Tagore’s songs were no more a special preserve of the sophisticated urban middle class but the possession of a people. There was a spate of musical varieties, dance, dramas, literary symposiums, theatrical performances based on Tagore’s works all over the country. On one of these occasions Dr. Shahidullah observed “Tagore’s presence is prevasive in the linguistic tradition of East Pakistanis.” The one time general secretary of pre-partition Bengal Muslim League Mr. Abdul Hashim in a similar occasion said, “Those who talk of Tagore as anti-Islam, understand neither Tagore nor Islam. If international humanism is not anti-Islam, then to speak to Tagore as anti-Islam is exhibiting one’s ignorance only”. Mr. Mufazzal Haider Chowdhury, a renowned litterateur and University teacher wrote, “Tagore has gone into our blood. He is a poet of the world, but primarily a poet of our language as well”. Thus through innumerable speeches and writings it was made evidently clear that just as one could not obliterate the existence of the Padma, the Meghna and the Jamuna from the map of Bengal, likewise the existence of Tagore could not be separated from the literary tradition of Bangla Desh.
Tagore is the pride of Bengali language, a synonym for Bengali culture, and a measure of the identity of Bangla Desh. Rabindranath is not only a poet of Bangla Desh but he is the poet—if there be a national poet, ‘he is the national poet of Bengal.’ The movement for the restoration of Tagore in Pakistani Bengali literature was but another name for the restoration of continuity of Bengali culture. The task, the movement set for itself was difficult and at times it seemed an impossible one. But the movement achieved its goal. The conspiracy against Bengal was exposed once more. The Bengalees in Bangla Desh proved they were prepared even to shed their own blood for the restoration of Tagore. West Pakistani politician had to retreat. The issue had become too hot for them. The net result of the movement is symbolically represented in the fact that Tagore’s song on Bengal “my golden Bengal, I love thee!” is being sung in every house of Bangla Desh to-day. It has become the undeclared national anthem of Bangla Desh.
Thus neither fanatical harping on Islamization nor its ally the insidious communal propaganda did succeed in subverting the foundations of Bengali culture or way of life. Bengali cultural life survived every overt or covert effort at its strangulation. Communal provocations though often succeeded in disrupting social life here and there in negligibly isolated instances, proved signally abortive at the cutural plane. Bengal would not accept any amputation or distortion of their culture with its broad liberal secular humanistic orientation and tradition. a healthy conciousness of this vital tradition has helped the people of Bengal to withstand such politically motivated proddings at regimentation in the name of Islam. The growth of Bengali nationalism came in course of this cultural awarness—and the resistance was given by a positive content and direction. The Islamic structure of Pakistan, the Bengalees discovered to their woe, little provided any protection to the steady exploitation of Bangla Desh by the Muslims of the other wing. The concept of religion as the basis of state polity was eroded in no time. Too much harping on Islam only resulted in the realization that “A Christian, a Hindu or a Buddhist may be converted into Islam through the incantation of the Kalima (sacred verse) and may even claim his membership to world Muslimhood but mere acquiring a proficiaency in Bengali language does not make a Punjabi turn into a Bengali, nor would wearing Shalwar, Kamiz and Pagri or Topi and command over spoken Urdu would make a Bengalee turn into a Punjabi. Punjab is Punjab while Bangla Desh remains Bangla Desh at all events. These are two countries—two minds—two nations.” (Quamrul Hasan, the artist speaking at Karotoa Cultural Organisation).
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Thus the doyens in the field of literature and the other arts have spoken in terms of politics. The arts could not remain isolated from the general political plight of the people of the country. Questions of art and literature were hinged on politics just as politics swirled around the cultural issues. The cultural crisis exploded on the political plane, political thinking helped in defining and clarifying cultural goals. The language movement, the movement on Alphabet reforms, resistance to conspiracy against Tagore all were turned into political movements and the people participating in these movements were transferred on to movements with specific political demands. Such interpenetration of the two strands strengthened each other. The final movement for the liberation of Bangla Desh is the high tide at this confluence.
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THE DAWNING OF POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS :
ORGANISATIONAL SKETCHES
Communalism has been persistently used as a weapon by the Muslim League policy framers. This aspect of the Leauge leadership was identified soon enough by the newly awaked Muslim Youths of Bangla Desh. They also realised that till they had uprooted communalism from social and political life of the country, no really menaningful movement for the emancipation of the common people could achieve its end. Hence in the changed political and communal context of post-inpendence Bangla Desh the need for a broad-based non-communal platform was urgently felt.
On the 6th and 7th of September 1947 a conference of the Youth of Bangla Desh was convened with this end in view. The semifinal influence of the left oriented young men whose organisations had been splintered owing to the sudden and arbitrary partition of Bengal and who were thus thrown in a quandary—cannot be overemphasized.
While explaining the objective of the conference Mr. Shamsul Huq one of the converners of this conference said :
“Basing on an assessment of the duties and responsibilities of the Youths of this country we should decide upon a political programme which would enable both Hindu and Muslim youths alike to participate in the building up of Pakistan as a democratic prosperous and happy state. In the manifesto of this conference it was unequivocally demanded “Government shall have to accede to the growth and development of separate languages and cultures in the different areas of the country. With a view to the development of different ways of life and culture in these areas complete autonomy should be accepted as well.”
An organising committee consisting of 25 members was formed with a view to establishing East Pakistan Democratic Youth League. Among the sponsors of this conference were Tasadduk Ahmed, Mohammad Toaha, Tajuddin Ahmed (now the Prime Minister of Bangla Desh), Shamsul Huq, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib, Oli Ahad and other dedicated workers of the democratic camp. The hired goondas (ruffians) of the Muslim League attacked the open session of this conference and beat up Mr. Shamsul Huq, secretary of the organising committee. The violent reaction, the conference provoked among the Muslim League leaders left little doubt as to the nature of the vested interest. This was the first of their unending series of onsluaghts on the democratic forces. Though the enthusiasm and high hope with which Democratic Youth League started, could not be sustained owing to amorphous pseudo-
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political nature of the organisation, yet its contribution to the political history of Bangla Desh is quite significant. It was through this organisation that the youth of Bangla Desh had laid the foundation for subsequent non-communal politics.
In 1948, the students of Dacca University brought into existence another organisation under the name of East Pakistan Muslim Students League. That was in the first week of March, 1948. If the organisation was not as avowedly non-communal as the Democratic Youth League—yet the accent on Bengali rights and privileges was unmistakable. In the manifesto of this new organisation it was stated : “A heinous conspiracy is going on so that Bengali may not become the state language of Pakistan. In the new currency notes, postage stamps, envelops, money order forms and in other things Bengali—the language of the majority has been eliminated. A subtle move is afoot to eliminate the Bengalees from the Navy by making proficiency in Urdu compulsory. The tyranny of English is being replaced by Urdu. In the Air Force, the Navy and the Army Bengalees are being totally eliminated.”
This manifesto written within six months of the achievement of Pakistan is indicative of the political sensitiveness of the Bengali youth regarding their role in Pakistan even from the start. This is, however, the first and the most categorical of denunciations of the designs of the West Pakistan vested interested over Bangla Desh. It is a pity that for various reasons this organisation could not be thrown open to the students of communities other than Muslim. Mr. Mohammad Toaha and Mr. Tajuddin Ahmed (the present Prime Minister of Bangla Desh) refused to associate themselves with this organisation, precisely, for this reason. The organisation, however, participated in all the political movements of Bangla Desh and provided leadership for a long time to come. As a matter of fact this was the time for preparation for bigger movements of the future. It was the time for organisational consolidation.
The language movement started in 1948. The West Pakistani power-drunk overlords at the helm of affairs thought they would suppress the movement by intimidation, coercion, arrest, lathi-charge and police torture. Among the arrested were Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Shamsul Huq, Oil Ahad, Abdul Matin and many others. Toaha was beaten up mercilessly. Goondas (ruffians) were let loose on public meetings. But the government had to yield to the united resistance of the students and common mass of peple.
The arrested persons were released on the 15th March. Khawaja Nazimuddin, the then Chief Minister of East Bengal, was compelled to sign an eight-point-charter of agreement with the Action Committee. The eighth point written in long hand by Khawaja Nazimuddin himself declared : “After consultation with the Action Committee I am now convinced that this movement has not been inspired by the enemies of the state.” The militant Bengalees had scored their first victory against the false propaganda and repressive measures of the government. Those who gave ledadership to the language movement in 1948 included Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Syed Nazrul Islam (the present acting President of Bangla Desh), Tajuddin Ahmed (the present Prime Minister), Mohammad Toaha, Oli Ahad and Abdul Matin.
The political consiousness which was being crystallized through the language movement took organisational shape in the establishment of Awami Muslim League under the leadership of Moulana Bhasani in 1949. The first opposition party against Muslim League—the monopolisers of power was born on the 23rd of June, 1949. Moulana Bhasani became the president of this new political party with Shamsul Huq as the secretary, Sheikh Mujib and Mushtaq Ahemd as the joint secretaries. The organising Committee consisted of forty members. Awami League at its very inception demanded : “The federating units of Pakistan must be allowed complete autonomy”. Its demands also included :
“Basic industries and installations like the Banks, Insurance, Transport, Electric Supply,
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Ordnance factory, Forestry and Mining should be nationalised. Other smaller and subsidiary industries should be brought under government control. Jute and Tea industries should be nationalised.”
Naturally the audacity of this new political organisation infuriated the West Pakistani rulers and their patrons—the industrial magnates. They were up in arms against this new organisation. Repressive measures were employed instantly Bangabandhu Mujib along with others were arrested.
But the more onslaughts were launched on the democratic workers, the more they learnt to fight back and get organised. A new generation of Bengali rebels was taking definite shape. East Pakistan Youth League is an instance in point. Toaha, Oli Ahad and Imadullah were instrumental in its founding. This was a powerful non-communal anti-imperialist organisation. Even though it operated for a very brief period, yet it provides a brilliant chapter in the history of democratic movements in Bangla Desh. Its militant role in the language movement of 1952 could hardly be exaggerated. Just as in 1948 the Muslim Students League led the language movement, similarly in 1952 the leadership was provided by the Youth League. Possibly the Youth League played its most important role in 1953 in successfully bringing together all important political parties of the opposition to form a United Front against the Muslim League at the provincial elelctions in 1954. As an organisation it was till then neither very big nor very strong. Yet by providing the right kind of leadership at the right moment during the languages issue the Youth League could rally the people of Bangla Desh behind it. As later trends reveal this was not only a movement for a language but a great movement of political assertion by the Bengalees, a great movement of self-realisation. It was a turning point in the history of Bengali nationalism. The first fruits of this new awakening were gathered in the provincial elections of 1954.
The wave of political consciousness engendered by 1952 State Language Movement brought into existence a strong and powerful students’ organisation—The East Pakistan Students’ Union. This was the first non-communal anti-imperialist Students’ Organisation since after partition which threw its doors wide open to the students of all religious denominations. During the upsurge of 1952 State Language Movement too, the Government tried to use communalism as a weapon to mislead the people and to crush the movement. Communalism was preached and the Muslim League Government tried to convince the people by their false propaganda that the State Language Movement had been engineered by the Hindus to destroy the integrity of Pakistan. By their experience the student community realised that no really meaningful movement for the emancipation of the Bengalees could achieve its end if communalism had not been eradicated from the social life of the Pakistanis. Hence the emergence of East Pakistan Students’ Union. The contribution of this students’ organisation to the history of students’ movement in Bangla Desh was quite significant. The emergence of East Pakistan Students’ Organisations—particularly on East Pakistan Muslim Students’ League which dropped the word ‘Muslim’ from its nomenclature in 1953. The East Pakistan Students’ Union played a great role in all subsequent student and political movement.
Bangla Desh created a unique election record in the elections of March, 1954. The United Front against the Muslim League was led by three doyens of Bengal Politics, Fazlul Huq, Suhrawardy and Bhasani. A 21-point election manifesto was drawn up for the United Front which amongst other things put the demand for complete autnonomy for Bangla Desh very prominently. It was proposed that save defence, foreign affairs and currency the provincial governments should have complete control over the things. The experience of seven years of maladministration and subtle exploitation of East Bengal by the West Pakistanis had been enough to make the Bengaless bitter and angry. The anger was given vent to through the elections. Sending of thousands of election workers of United Front behind the bars in an effort to intimidate the supporters of the United Front made the people all the more angry. The result was disastrous for the Muslim League. Only nine seats in a house of three hundred and ten were won by the Muslim League. The Chief Minister, Mr. Nurul Amim, lost his seat to a University student.
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The election results amply proved that it was more of a nationalistic upsurge rather than an election, a phenomenon which was repeated recently in the first ever national election of December 1970 in which Bangabandhu Mujib and his party swept the polls in Bangla Desh.
Shere-e-Bangla A.K. Fazlul Huq formed the first United Front Ministry on the 1st of April, 1954. People in Bangla Desh were full of hope. But the almost total ouster of the Muslim League from Bangla Desh made the real rulers in the centre extremely jitterbug. Democracy was a thing the vested interest in Pakistan felt most nervous about. They looked upon it as as threat to their existence. Thus they were impelled to a new phase of conspiracy against the United Front Ministry in East Bengal. The ministry had to be discredited at all costs. Communal riots were easiest to foment. In the month of May, we find there was a violent riot between the Bengali and non-Bengali labourers at the Adamji Jute Mills at Narayanganj in which about a thousand people died. The trouble started all on a sudden and from nowhere. Similar riots took place at Chandraghona Paper Mills in Chittagong. The ministers rushed to the trouble torn areas and the situation was brought under control in no time. The conspirators tried a new angle now. Mr. Mohammad Ali, the one Ambassador of Pakistan to the United States who was hastily summoned from New York to take charge of the Office of the Prime Minister, worked according to instructions of his real bosses in West Pakistan. On some flimsy plea the United Front Ministry in East Bengal was dissolved in no time and Governor’s rule was imposed. Shere-e-Bangla A.K. Fazlul Huq was declared a traitor over the radio owing to a casual remark he had made in Calcutta Air Port on his way back from Karachi a few weeks back. The remark was to the effect that United Bengal would have been far more desirable than a truncated East Pakistan since the Bengalees as Bengalees still continued to have the same fellow feeling and good will for each other—across the political frontier. Thousands of political workers were arrested. Moulana Bhasani was touring Europe at the time. Iskander Mirza, the newly appointed governor of East Bengal had the audacity to announce : “If Moulana Bhasani dares to return home he would be shot dead by one of my habildars.” Iskander Mirza was the defence secretary till he took over as governor a few days after the ouster of Fazlul Huq.
The West Pakistani power group had hoped that they could stifle the voice of Bangla Desh in this manner but their expectations were belied. Within a few months the rebellious youth of Bengal seized the opportunity of Language Day celebrations on the 21st of February 1955, to organise a huge mass demonstration demanding the withdrawal of the Governor’s rule in the province. People from the southern tip of Teknaf to the northernmost point Tetulia rose up as one man against the imposition of autocratic rule on the then East Pakistan. The magnitude and military of the movement compelled the central government of recommend withdrawal of Governor’s rule from the then East Pakistan. Thus Bengal has suffered series of attacks on its rights and claims throughout the history of Pakistan. Such attacks have temporarily thrown the Bengalees in disarray. But soon after they have reorganised themselves, collected their strength and struck back. The contrapuntal nature of this political dynamics is as dramatic and full of suspense as it is instructive of people’s role in the political destiny of a country.
Abu Hossain Sarkar was invited to form Ministry in the province. The Prime Minister who till the other day had described A.K. Fazlul Huq as a traitor had to swallow him now as Home Minister in the new cabinet at the Centre. Even so the prime objective sabotaging the United Front was achieved. The politics of intrigue and conspiracy has thousand faces and would not cavil at any compromised, provided it served the interest of the people behind the intrigue. Once the United Front Ministry was sabotaged, it was possible to negotiate with its constituent elements independently and strike and unfair deal with some of them with promises of power. Mutual accusations and distrust among the parties centering the issue of transfer of power did rest of the mischief in the breaking-up of the United Front. The Adamjees and the Ispahanis—industrial houses behind the riots at Narayanganj Jute Mills and Chandraghona Paper Mills were happy at and assured that for some time at least they were saved from their industries being nationalized and had prevented the Bengalees from coming up as competitors.
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The year 1955-1956 is very significant politically. On the one hand this year saw the emergence of a rabidly communal political party named Jamat-e-Islam in the political arena of East Bengal. On the other hand in the very same year Awami Muslim League under the joint leadership of Moulana Bhasani, Suhrawardy and Sheikh Mujib threw the doors of the organisation wide open to the people of other religious denominations and dropped the word ‘Muslim’ from its nomenclature. The joint electorate bill piloted by Suhrawardy in the National Assembly became a law and further consolidated the position of the non-communal parties in Bangla Desh. Pakistan Ganatantri Dal (Democratic Party of Pakistan) were the other non-communal political parties in East Bengal prior to 1956. But since the following of these political parties compared with the following of the Awami League was negligible the transformation of Awami League into a non-commuanl organisation had a very wide spread and lasting impact on the Bengalees. It was almost the formal initition of a new chapter in the political history of Pakistan.
On February 7, 1957, Awami League held its historic conference at Kagmari. Awami League was not a static moribund organisation. Just it had unequivocally defined its position vis-a-vis communal politics in the country, similarly it had to speak out on the foreign policy of the country which was the most delicate and controversial topic on which it seemed the whole country was divided. Hence two themes which dominated the Council session at Kagmari conference were the question of Autonomy of East Bengal and the Foreign policy of Pakistan. Bhasani was advocating a neutralist foreign policy for Pakistan. He demanded the withdrawal from the military pacts like SEATO and the Baghdad Pact. The Pak-American Military Pact came under heavy fire from him. Kagmari conference projected Bhasani as the great champion of world peace, a champion of the oppressed people of Bangla Desh and a great humanist teacher fighter for equal political rights of all communities irrespective of their religious affiliations.
Hundreds of highly decorated commemorative gates were erected through the long stretch of the road Tangail to Kagmari on the occasion of this conference. Alongside the gates dedicated to Jinnah and Iqbal one could find gates in the names of Mahatma Gandhi, Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das, Netaji Subhas Bose, Biplabi Surya Sen, Rabindranath Tagore, Dr. Bidhan Roy and Lenin. Nothing could be further from what the Muslim League wanted to be. As against the narrow communal ideology of the Muslim League, Bhasani held high the ideals of international humanism which transcended the barriers of religion, race and country.
Speaking on the military pacts and treaties, Bhasani’s impassioned appeal reverberated through the conference pandal :
“That they will pound our boys to dust by their bombs is something I cannot allow to happen. I will fight unto the last against any sort of military pacts. If somebody tries to compel me to compromise on the issue of Pak-American military pact even at the hour of my death I would cry out,—No! no! no! I will have none of those military pacts which can only spell disaster.”
Hossain Shahid Suhrawardy, the then Prime Minister of Pakistan and a great advocate of Pak-American military pact was sitting beside the Moulana at this conference when he was making this epoch-making speech against the pact. Suhrawardy felt tongue-tied and possibly sad. Nor was Suhrawardy’s hold over the party strong and pervasive enough to enable him to come to confrontation with Bhasani then and there by speaking out too loudly. The confrontation had to come anyway a few months later. But by that time Suhrawardy was able to wean Sheikh Mujib, one of the erstwhile disciples of the Moulana, away from the Moulana on this foreign policy issue. The Moulana shorn of the support from Sheikh Mujib was easily cornered.
On the question of autonomy the Moulana declared if you continue to exploit East Pakistan, if the demand for autonomy is not accepted, I should like to tell you, the ruling class of Pakistan,
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‘Assalamo Alaykum! (Good-bye and good luck!) You go your way, I go mine.’
A delegation under the leadership of Humayun Kabir joined in the cultural meet organised on the occasion of this conference. The delegation included renowned litterateurs like Sri Tarasankar Bandopadhyaya and Sri Probodh Kumar Sanyal. The participants in the cultural renaissance of Muslim Bengal as though had taken the opportunity of this conference to acknowledge the tradition and continuity of Bengali culture through the invitation of these ‘elder statesman’ of Bengali literature. Emotional outbursts on both sides, the guests and the hosts—which attended these cultural sessions futher testified to the subterranean flow of commiserating and regard which both sides had for each other, which political partitioning of the country could not obliterate. The conference only brought this out in the open. The necessity for a free and frank cultural exchange between the two parts of Bengal was never more urgently felt, particularly since the quest for cultural identity for Muslim Bengal had taken such a dramatic turn towards a re-examination of the contents of Bengali nationhood.
Kagmari conference is a turning point in the political development in Bangla Desh for more reasons than one. Awami League politics took a decidedly non-communal turn from this conference. The demand for autonomy was never more boldly and unanimously expressed than in this conference. Bhasani had spoken thunderously against the military pacts in which Pakistan was being engaged. But in spite of all these very significant contributions, the development which was even more important than all these, was the split which took place in this conference between the Bhasani group and the Suhrawardy group inside the Awami League. The cabala of power-clique in West Pakistan who have never felt comfortable about the fire-eating Moulana now rubbed their hands in satisfaction. Almost instantly all the propaganda agencies this group had in their command, started calumniating the Moulana as an Indian agent and described his views as against the interest of Pakistan. Even the daily Ittefaq of Dacca owing to reasons of political infighting took up the theme and vilified the Moulana.
The split within Awami League which was hushed up during the Kagmari conference surfaced within a few months at a party meeting in Dacca. Bhasani came out of the Awami League with his supporters. He had no other choice but to form a new political party which he did on the 25th of July, 1957 under the name of National Awami Party. Two cardinal faiths which characterised the outlook and programme of this Party were (i) An independent anti-imperialist foreign policy for Pakistan, (ii) Full provincial autonomy for East Bengal and restoration of old provinces in West Pakistan by disintegrating one unit. From July 1957 to October, 1958 the demand for autonomy went ringing from one corner of Bangla Desh to another under the leadership of the National Awami Party mainly, since Suhrwardy had been flirting with power for sometime and hoping vainly that something will come out of it. Thus Awami League’s agitational role was minimised at least for some time.
West Pakistan about this time had started showing signs of restiveness about the imposition of one unit there. General election was scheduled for 1959. Bangla Desh was pressing her demand for autonomy. Sind, Beluchistan and NWFP the worst sufferers in the one unit scheme wanted the dissolution of the one unit and return to the status of provinces. All these demands go against the interest of the Punjabis who had monopolised all power and privileges and profits. The democratic facade had become too uncertain and risky for them to be relied upon. Hence the democratic structure was rudely pulled down. On the night of the 7th October, 1958, Gen. Ayub Khan usurped power by declaring Martial Law over the country. Iskanader Mirza, the erstwhile Defence Secretary who had been sent to the then East Pakistan to sabotage democracy there in 1954 was again the arch conspirator in subverting democracy in Pakistan. But the army once in power was not to be satisfied with anything less than total power. Within a few weeks Iskander Mirza had to surrender Presidentship to Ayub Khan. Ayub was too well acquainted with the intrigues and conspiracies of Mirza’s kind to trust him.
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Moulana Bhasani and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman along with thousands of political workers were arrested and detained indefinitely without trial. Hundreds of others went under-ground to avoid arrest and torture at the hands of the police. Political activities were banned. The mill-owners and capitalists saw to it that strikes and demonstrations by workers are banned. Exploitation of Bengal could now go on unabated and unhindered. It was during the decade of Ayub’s regime we find the spectacular rise of twenty two families who came to own 80% of the total wealth of the country including the Banks and the Insurance Companies. It is needless to say that all these twenty two super-rich families come from West Pakistan. The ownership of the residuary twenty per cent also was largely appropriated by foreign investros. The plight of Bengal can very well be imagined from this.
Naturally Bengal being driven to desperation was first to raise her voice of protest against Ayub’s misrule and wilful exploitation. Suhrawardy who amongst the Awami Leaguer’s had been allowed to remain outside the jails was arrested towards the later part of January in 1962. The students of the Dacca University as on other occasions initiated the series of protests which shook Bangla Desh. Strike was observed in the University on the 1st of February. The movement threw up a new generation of leaders in Sheikh Fazlul Huq-Moni, Kazi Zafar Ahmed, Shah Moazzem Hussain, Rashed Khan Menon, Mohiuddin Ahmed, Farhad, Haidar Akbar Khan (Rono). On the second day of the movement a massive demonstration was held in front of the USIS building in Dacca. Mr. Manjur Quadir, one of the ministers in the cabinet of Ayub Khan had come to Dacca University to address the students. The Students though not in a mood to listen to his platitudes did not miss the opportunity to heckle him with a barrage of uncomfortable questions. Manzur Quadir went back a visibly sobered and humbled man. Legend goes that somebody almost spat on his face and shouted “Go and tell Ayub—your father and the killer of democracy that we have spat on thy face also that we spit on thy father’s faces as well.”
The story of the discomfiture of Manzur Quadir spread round the city like wild fire and tension continued to mount. The situation exploded on the 6th and 7th of February. Students came in conflict with the armed forces in the streets of Dacca. A bus employee named Waziullah was shot dead by the army. Students set fire on a military van. The traffic of Dacca came to a standstill almost instantaneously. The provincial administration closed down the University of Dacca for an indefinite period.
The second phase of the movement started in the month of August. The ostensible cause which touched off the movement was the publication of the Education Commission Report in which farreaching measures were recommended for a complete overhauling of education of the country. Some of these recommendations were politically suspect. The students community of Bangla Desh in a body rejected the recommendations of this Commission. What is significant is that the movement against the Education Commission Report did not remain confined within the students alone. People from all walks of life came out on the streets to take the opportunity of mass demonstration to voice their grievances against and disaffection with the Government. The students of Dacca University piloted the movement very boldly. They gave a call for a province-wide hartal on the 17th September, 1962. The ‘hartal’ (strike) was a grand success. The belligerent mood of the people during the ‘hartal’ frightened the Government. The Education Report was withdrawn for the time being. 1962, thus recorded the first victory of the militant student community of Bangla Desh against Ayub. The fire that had been kindled by the rebellious students of Bangla Desh in 1962, shaping itself in Eleven-Point Programme, engulfed the Ayub’s regime, burnt and destroyed Ayub and his edifice of administration in 1969.
ooo
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SIX-POINT-PROGRAMME :
THE DEFINITION OF AUTONOMY
The effects of the Indo-Pakistan war in 1965 had certain interesting and often paradoxical aspects. For instance, it had helped Ayub immensely in consolidating his political position while it had also made people of Bangla Desh aware of military weaknesses and vulnerability of Bangla Desh from the defence point of view—an awareness which led the Bengalees to suspect the very goodwill of General Ayub towards East Pakistan. Ayub, being a general himself had obviously not given much thought to the defence of East Pakistan. All the representative figures of Bangla Desh had been clamouring for self-sufficiency of Bangla Desh so far her defence was concerned for long time past. The Generals in the Pakistan army, tied to the apron strings of capitalist interests of West Pakistan ignored such demands. Bangla Desh has paid for the huge defence installations of the Pakistan army. Ninety eight per cent of the defence expenditure has been spent in strengthening the defence of West Pakistan while Bengal has remained pitiably exposed to any intruder whoever cares to trespass the border. Whenever the question of the defence of Bangla Desh had been raised, the Generals and their mentors—the politicians have blindly replied that a strong centre alone was capable of providing effective defence for East Pakistan. The myth was exploded during the Indo-Pakistan war. The strongest ever centre under Gen. Ayub’s dictatorship had completely failed to take even the minimum of defence preparation for Bangla Desh. The talking box of a foreign minister on Ayub’s cabinet, Mr. Zulfiquar Ali Bhuttu indirectly confirmed this when he said, “It was because of China that East Pakistan was saved during the war.” The worst suspicion of the Bengalees had come true. Centre had done next to nothing to defend Bangla Desh. The territorial integrity of the province had depended entirely on the mercy of an alien country. India possibly never had intended to attack Bangla Desh at all. But suppose it did, the Bengalees reflected, would Mr. Bhutto have had this opportunity to compliment himself indirectly on his foreign policy.
On March 15, 1966 Mr. Nurul Amin addressing the National Assembly pointed out “East Pakistan at the time of war had not only been disconnected from Rawalpindi but it was disconnected from the rest of the world. The painful experience of this sudden and total isolation of East Pakistan from the rest of the world has led the Bengalees to believe that there is no place of Bengal in the present state structure of Pakistan”. It is the same Nurul Amin who is being druggedly pursued to-day by Yahea’s men in order to enlist his support in favour of Yahea’s political plans.
The experience of military vulnerability of Bangla Desh in the event of a war all the more contributed to the realisation of the need for the autonomy of Bangla Desh so that Bangla Desh could at least decide upon her military destiny herself.
In January, 1966, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman presented his famous six-point-programme at an Awami League meet in Lahore, West Pakistan. The six-point-programme spelled out the terms of the autonomy for which demands were being raised for so long. No wonder Gen. Ayub, the most effective spokesman for the vested interest in West Pakistan would look askance at such an ambitious political programme. How could Ayub countenance this?
Hence he eschewed persuasion and threatened civil war, “If necessary, we shall have to use the language of the weapon.”
Mujibur Rahman thundered out his rejoineder at a public meeting at the Paltan Maidan, “No amount of threat of weapon or war would deter the people from the movement for the attainment of the six points.” The Sheikh still had hopes of an integrated Pakistan with well balanced development of both the wings. He exhorted, “Both parts of Pakistan has to be strengthened. If a limb of the body is paralysed, on could not call it a healthy body. It is a crippled body.” “It may sound paradoxical, but we want
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autonomy for making Pakistan stronger than it is now.” Mujib has since placed his six-point-programme as follows :
“I have placed before the country a 6-point-programme as basic principles of a firm solution of the country’s interwing political and economic problems. I expected and in fact, was ready to welcome criticism. But instead of criticising the programme and pointing out its defects, if there be any, a class of people has started hurling abuses at and ascribing disruptionist motive to me. Normally I would have ignored these vilifications, first, because these abusive voices are too familiar, these grimacing faces are too well-known, and these sallying patterns are too old to deserve anything but such ignoring; secondly, because I have no manner of doubt that my 6-point-programme has truly reflected the mind and correctly represented the demands of seventy five million East Pakistanis of their right to live. Neither have I any doubt that all right thinking patriotic elements of West Pakistan agree with me on these points. This has been amply demonstrated by the newspaper writings and reports, statements and speeches by all sections of the intelligentsia, students and workers. This country-wide tremendous support to the 6-point-programme is spontaneous. It is spotaneous because these demands are no new points, invented afresh by me or any individual, but are in reality, long standing demands of the people and pledges of their leaders, awaiting fulfilment for decades.
This being the case I am confident that the mischievous propaganda and motivated campaign carried on by the vested interests through their agents and protectors will fail to mislead our people. They will, surely not forget that whenever in the past, any demand was made by East Pakistanis, however small, simple and reasonable it might be, these beneficiaries and agents of vested interests kicked up the self-same dust by raising the well-known cries of ‘Islam in danger’, ‘disruption of Pakistan’ etc. It was the same set of people who discovered ‘hidden hand of India’ in our simplest demand for inclusion of Bengali as a State Language along with Urdu. These are the people who brazenly dubbed our Sher-e-Bangla as a traitor and incarcerated Suhrawardy on a fantastic charge of wrecking Pakiatan with the help of foreign money. Nothing is too mean for them to achieve their selfish objective which is perpetuation of their exploitation of the people of East Pakistan. I know, our people is quite aware of these events not of very distant past.
But I also know that the mischief making potentialities of these enemise of the people are inexhaustible; that their resources are unlimited; that they are a multi-coloured variety of human species with sub-human conscience. It is this variety who will be found in large number in the camp of the ruling coterie, self-righteously working in the name of ‘Unity, Faith and Discipline’; they will be found in the opposition camps as well camouflaging as servers of ‘Islam and democracy’. But whatever they may be, in whatever colour, under whichever garb, they actually belong to one and the same camp, that is, the camp of the enemies of the people. They are thus solidly united in their attitude of denial towards East Pakistan. So naturally they will leave no stone unturned to achieve their objective as they have done in the past. So, on this occasion also they will come to the field to fight 6-point-programme just as they did to fight 21-point-programme in the past. They have, in fact already taken the field with varieties of weapons brandished by different heroes of numerous battle fields. The target is the same; it is the 6-point. Therefore, it is quite in the fitness of things that President Ayub, Choudhury Mohammad Ali and Moulana Moududi, outwardly three avowed mutual enemise, weilding their respective weapons from three anti-padal horizons, are aiming poisoned arrows on the same target—the 6-point.
I, therefore, deem it my duty to issue this booklet as an explanatory note to the 6-point-programme and fervently appeal to the democratic forces in general, and carry the massage of six-point to every hearth and home. Now that the 6-point-programme has been formally adopted by the Awami League, it has undoubtedly become the national demand of the people particutlarly the people of East Pakistan. I hope, they will find this booklet useful in their confrontation with the agents of the vested interests who are likely to be lying in ambush everywhere.
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Point I
In this point I have reommended as follows :
The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the basis of the Lahore Resolution, and Parliamentary form of Government with supermacy of Legislature, directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.
It will be seen that this point consists of the following seven ingredients, viz. : (a) Pakistan shall be a Federation, (b) it shall….
….and my proposal is that I have given two subjects instead of three given in the Cabinet Plan. Even that difference is only apparent and not real as will be seen in my explanation to Point 3 given later on. That explanation will show that I too, have given three subjects to the centre and not two. Only I have recommended currency in the place of communication as had earlier been done in the famous 21-point programme. I have omitted Communication for obvious reasons. The basic principle on which subjects are handed over to a Federation, as has been said earlier, is the oneness and indivisibility of the interest of the federating units in the subjects concerned. In the case of an undivided Indian Federation, communication was really such a subject. In it all the federating units would have been commonly interested and it could have been more efficiently managed by the Federation. An unbroken Railway line and a non-stop through Railway train could have run from Khybar to Chittagong. This would have been so because of the geographical contiguity. No so in Pakistan. Pakistan being comprised of two geographical units separated by over a thousand miles of foreign territory, cannot possibly have any unbroken line of communication between two wings. The two wings being themselves two compact geographical areas, must have their own system of communication, seaparately organised and managed. It can, therefore, never be a Federal subject in Pakistan. By transferring the Railways to the Provinces though after prolonged procrastination the present regime has reluctantly admitted the hard fact of geography. The same will have to be done also in the case of Post and Telegraphs and all other branches of communication.
In this connection another point need be clarified. Here I have recommended ‘designation’ of the federating units as ‘States’ instead of ‘provinces’ as is now done. This very mention of the word ‘State’ is liable to be mischievously misinterpreted by the unitarists and pseudo-federalists. They will tell the unwary public ‘Look, Mujib is wanting independent States’. This would be viciously wrong. Everywhere in different Federations of the world the federating units are called ‘States’ and not ‘provinces’. The U.S.A., the U.S.S.R., the Federal Republic of Germany, the Federation of Malaysia and last of all, our neighbour India, all have designated their units as ‘States’ instead of ‘Provinces’. Our next door neighbours like West Bengal and Assam are ‘States’ of the Indian Union and not ‘provinces’. That designation of the Indian provinces had not rendered their Union loose or their Central Government weak. If Assam and West Bengal can have the dignity and honour of being called state without impairing the solidarity of Bharat Union, why can’t we have the same dignity and honour without impairing the solidarity of Pakistan Federation? Why are our rulers so allergic to our dignity?
Point 3
In this point I have recommended either of the following measures with regard to our currency, viz.
- Two separate but freely converible currencies for two wings may be introduced; or
- One currency for the whole country may be maintained. In this case, effective constitutional provisions
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are to be made to stop flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Separate Banking Reserve is to be made and separate fiscal and monetary policy to be adopted for East Pakistan.
From the above it will be seen that I have not recommended the straightway taking of currency out of the Federal list. If my recommendation contained in B above is accepted, Currency reamins a Central subject. In this case, the only difference is that I have recommended the creation of two separate Reserve Banks for the two wings. The currency for East Pakistan shall be issued through East Pakistan Reserve Bank and shall be marked ‘East Pakistan’ or simply ‘Dacca’. Similarly, West Pakistan currency shall be issued through West Pakistan Reserve Bank and shall be marked ‘West Pakistan’ or simply ‘Labore’.
This is the only way by which we can save East Pakistan from sure economic ruination by effective stopping flight of capital from this wing to the other. The geographical separateness has made the two wings ipso facto, two economic units. An economic convulsion, either for the better or for the worse, in one wing has no corresponding convulsion in the other wing. So progress and development in the one does not in the least benefit the other. These economic incidents are quite independent of each other in the two wings. Expenditure in one cannot create employment in the other. This economic independence and separateness of the two wings is correctly reflected in their respective price and wage structures including the price of gold. This is what is known as the absence of mobility of labour and capital. This immobility of capital, however, does not prevent flight of capital. This is how it happens under the present dispensation.
We are supposed to belong to one indivisible economy. We have one currency, there is no distinguishing mark to show the currency circulation wing-wise. We are under one Finance Ministry situated in and operating from West Pakistan, presided over always by a West Pakistani Minister, formulating financial, fiscal and monetary policies through one single Central Bank, that is, the State Bank of Pakistan, also located in West Pakistan issuing money minted, coined and printed in West Pakistan. This money after travelling and meandering in circulation throughout the country journey back to and rests in accumulation in West Pakistan. Along with the head offices of all the Joint-Stock Companies, Banks, except one or two small ones of very recent origin, are also located in West Pakistan, head offices of the three Armed Forces, all Foreign Missions and almost all foreign and national trade and industry organizations are situated in that wing. As a result, all money transactions done in East Pakistan are instantaneously transferred to West Pakistan. All share money of Joint-Stock Companies, all deposits in Banks, their security money, all Governement reserves, all earnings, profits and savings of trade and industry operating in East Pakistan move in a matter of seconds to West Pakistan. Any one conversant with banking operation knows well that only barely ten per cent of the entire deposit need be kept ready for payment and the rest can be and generally is invested. Savings thus invested become capital. This investment is naturally done in West Pakistan as West Pakistan’s capital. This is how capital formation in West Pakistan has been so rapid. This again is how there has been total absence of capital formation in East Pakistan. As investment means employment, this investment has meant employment in West Pakistan only. As capital formation is followed by rapid industrialization, this has meant industrialization of West Pakistan alone. This process will continue unless and untill the prevailing one way traffic of finance is effectively checked by stopping this flight of capital. This can be done capital investment can be generated in East Pakistan only by creating a Reserve Bank for East Pakistan as suggested by me. It is the only way to save East Pakistan from economic extinction. This reforoms in our currency system while saving East Pakistan from economic collapse will keep currency a Central subject as a symbol of our unity and oneness.
If, however, our West Pakistan brethren think otherwise, then my other alternative may be adopted. Under that arrangement currency will no doubt, be a provincial subject, but that will not
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weaken our centre. Neither will it affect the oneness of Pakistan. For even then we can have the same currency symbol by mutual discussion and agreement. And for the other, a federation can effectively work and be strong and stable without currency as its subjects. The Cabinet Mission recommended an Indian Federal Centre without currency in the Federal list. Had it thought unworkable, the British Government would not have recommended it, nor would the Congress and the Muslim League have accepted it.
Point 4
In this point I have recommended that the power of taxation and revenue collection shall vest in federating units and that the Federal Centre will have no such power. The Federation will have a share in the state taxes for meeting their required expenditure. The consolidated Federal Fund shall come out of a levy of certain percentage of all state taxes.
It is this proposal that seems to have most annoyed the unitarists and pseudo-federalists. They are making a lot of noises and kicking up the dust of confusion alleging disintegration and disruption. These are old bogeys and shibboleths used by the vested interests against all reforms in all ages. They need not worry any Pakistani. The fact is that a strong Federation can successfully work and is actually working without the power of taxation. It makes the Federation rather stronger. This is so because taxation is a duty and necessity rather than a right and power. Levying taxes and collecting them is a responsibility and a botheration. It is just like manually earning one’s own livehood. In our daily life we find people wanting to better employ themselves in finer and nobler work, lease out their properties to others at fixed rent leaving to them the arduous task of collecting small amounts from individual tenants and earning petty sums from day to day transactions. The monarchs of the past used to, and landlords of the present do, lease out their realms in ijara for tax-collection. The Central authorities in all ages have tried to be spread of the botheration of tex-collection for their own maintenance. It is only the bania mentality of the present day rulers that impels them to handle all money matters themselves. A little reflection will show that the right and power concerned do not rest in the act of tax-collection but in the money so collected. If a Central Government is constitutionally assured of the required amount, why should it bother about the actual collection? In the case of a Federation it is only the fiscal taxation in which it is interested. The rest of the purposes of taxation, viz. protective, social, commercial and moral are the responsibility of the federating units. This is what is done in U.S.A. and some other Federations. In the U.S.S.R. even the fiscal taxation is not done by the Union. There is no Finance Minister and Finance Ministry in the Union Government of the Soviet Republic. The Finance ministries and ministers are all with the federating Republics. They meet the requirements and serve the purposes of the Union Government. Have these arrangements weakened the Central authorities of U.S.A. and U.S.S.R.? It was with this knowledge and experience of the working of a federation that Cabinet Mission offered and Indian Federation without the power of taxation and it was for the same reason that the Congress, and the Muslim League accepted the offer. It will, therefore, be seen that a federation can be firmly provided with its fiscal finances without being burdened with the duty of tax-collection. My proposal is precisely to this effect. According to my recommendation the constitution will provide that a certain percentage of the revenue collections on all heads shall automatically be credited to the federal fund by the Reserve Bank on which amount the unit Governments shall have no control. Constitutional provisions may also be made empowering the Federation to raise funds to meet the increased defence expenditure at a time of war including expansion of federal jurisdiction in such emergencies. It is, therefore, sheer bunkum to call the autonomists the disruptors of Pakistan. On the contrary, relieving the Federation of the burden of tax-collection will have the following salutary effects viz. :
(a) The federation will have more time to devote in matters of Defence and External relations and to act as a unifying force;
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(b) Wastage due to overlapping, duplication and litigation, etc. will be saved and money thus saved and officials thus relieved will be available for better and nobler utilization;
(c) The tax and revenue collection will be cheaper and easier;
(d) Economy of having a single authority for tax-collection will have been achieved;
(e) It will pave the way for introducing and adopting the most modern taxation method, viz., single taxation.
Point 5
In this point I have recommended that :
(1) There shall be two separate accounts for foreign exchange earnings of the two wings;
(2) Earnings of East Pakistan shall be under the control of East Pakistan and that of West Pakistan under the control of West Pakistan Government;
(3) Foreign exchange requirements of the Federal Government shall be met by the two wings either equally or in a ration to be fixed;
(4) Indigenous products shall move free of duty between two wings;
(5) The constitution shall empower the unit Government to establish trade and commercial relations with, set up trade missions in and enter into agreements with foreign countries.
Now a panoramic glance at the economic history of Pakistan since her creation will show the following consistent incidents :
(a) East Pakistan has earned bulk of the annual foreign exchange of Pakistan;
(b) East Pakistan’s earnings have been spent in West Pakistan in industrialization of that wing and earnings from those industries have been reinvested in West Pakistan as the earnings of that wings;
(c) East Pakistan’s earnings are not being spent in East Pakistan on the plea of her inability to absorb them due to absence of capital formation;
(d) Imports to East Pakistan is less than her exports, whereas imports to West Pakistan is more than her exports;
(e) Two-thirds of Pakistan’s foreign exchange is earning by jute cultivated in East Pakistan but that earnings are utilized neither for the benefit of the jute-growers nor for East Pakistan.
(f) Almost all foreign aids and loans are secured against foreign exchange earned by East Pakistan; but they are spent in West Pakistan on the same plea of incapacity of East Pakistan to absorb such loans, etc. The irony is that interest on these loans and their instalments are being borne by East Pakistan.
Now the cumulative effects of these consequences, viz. :
(i) East Pakistan has not been industrialized sufficiently;
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(ii) The little industrialzation that has been done, has been done by West Pakistanis or by people other than East Pakistanis with all the characteristics of foreign investments both in the matter of employment and profit earnings;
(iii) There is chronic inflation causing soaring high prices of commodities with all its concomitants like black marketing and profiteering bringing untold miseries to the life of the people;
(iv) Jute-growers are not only getting fair economic price of their produce but even the cost of production is denied to them resulting in their perpetual indebtedness and progressive impoverishment.
These are man-made inequities and are, therefore, remediable. The obvious remedies are, first, to industrialize East Pakistan to produce wealth among East Pakistanis and also provide more employement in the province; secondly, to check inflation by equalizing imports and exports and thereby supplying commodities to the people at reasonable prices; thirdly, to nationalize jute trade and thereby give fair price to the growers and ensure the state earnings in foreign exchange. It was with this last object in view that during Awami League’s very brief spell in power in 1957 it set up Jute Marketing Corporation. It was subsequently reduced to nothing by the vested interests with the help of the Central Government.
Each and every one of these steps presupposes acceptance of the above proposals recommended by me.
Point 6
In this point I have recommended the setting up of a militia or para-military force for East Pakistan. This is neither unreasonable nor new. We had pledged in the famous 21-Point Programme in 1954 that we would give arms and uniforms to to our Ansars.
Neither is the proposal unprecedented and impracticable. There are instances where such para-military territorial forces are maintained in outlying regions. We ourselves had one such regiment from pre-independence days. It was the Eastern Rifles. The present regime has taken this away from the hands of East Pakistan Government.
East Pakistan is the home of majority of Pakistanis. To defend her is the politcal obligation as well as moral duty of the Government of Pakistan. Why then should it be neccessary for East Pakistanis to demand it? Why do they not do it on their own initiative? How with what conscience do they say that defence of East Pakistan lies in West Pakistan? Does it not tantamount to saying that the mouth, the belly and the stomach of East Pakistan lie in West Pakistan? How will the arms, ammunitions and wealth in West Pakistan help East Pakistan when transport between the wings can be snapped in a matter of seconds? Has not the recent 17-days’ War proved our utter helplessness? How can one brag that some event in Warshaw or Tashkent, saved East Pakistan? It is the defence policy of our Government that has reduced us to this position. In spite of all these we want a united defence of the country and to retain it as a Central subject. But at the same time we want that East Pakistan be made selfsufficient in the matter of defence; that an Ordnance Factory, a Military Academy and the Navy Headquarters must be set up in East Pakistan. These things were actually demanded in 1954. Nothing, however, has been done in the course of long twelve years. We do not yet know when these will be done.
So in the meantime we want to make our own defence arrangement in a small way with unsophisticated weapons suited to our own field craft within easy reach of our limited resources. What is the objection? Where dose it lie? It is not easy to comprehend? Neither is it easy to understand why a Fund separately raised for East Pakistan war purposes is taken over by the Centre?
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Now, before concluding, I want to submit a few words to my West Pakistani brethren.
First, they would not run away with the idea that whatever I have stated above I have done in the interest of East Pakistan only. It is not so. In each of my 6-Point Programme is inherent a corresponding benefit to my West Pakistani brethren. They are sure to derive equal benefit out of their implementation.
Secondly, when I speak of East Pakistanis’ wealth being flown to and concentrated in West Pakistan I only mean regional concentration. I do not, thereby, mean that this wealth has reached the masses of West Pakistan. No, I do not and cannot mean that. I know there are millions like us in West Pakistan who are also unfortunate victims of this economic exploitation. I also know that the entire wealth of the country is concentrated in the hands of a few families. This will continue till the capitalistic pattern of our society is not changed. But before that this regional exploitation must cease. I, however, do not blame the West Pakistanis for this regional exploitation.
Thirdly, It is the geographical situation and the unnatural system that is being pursued which are responsible for this injustice. Take only one instance :
Had the capital of Pakistan been located in East Pakistan instead of being in West Pakistan, this regional exploitation would have occurred in the reverse way. 62% of our Revenue that is being spent on our Central Administration would have all been spent in East Pakistan instead of in West Pakistan. The well-known public Finance maxim that “the expenditure of the Government is the income of the people and the income of the Government is the expenditure of the people” would have worked in favour of East Pakistan instead of West Pakistan. This 94% of our total Revenue which has been annually spent in West Pakistan and thus formed the income of West Pakistan, would have in that case been spent in and enriched East Pakistan. The seat of the Government being in West Pakistan, all the three Headquarters of Armed Forces and all Central institutions and Foreign Missions have got their head offices in West Pakistan as a matter of course. Consequently, all their spendings are done in that wing. All these spendings would have been in East Pakistan, had the seat of the Government been here. East Pakistan would have been enriched and West Pakistan impoverished to that extent and in that proportion.
In that event, you, the West Pakistanis would have made the same demands for regional justice for which you are condemning us, the East Pakistanis, and ascribing all sorts of evil motives. In that case you would have realized that there was no other motive than the motive of self-preservation. In that context, when West Pakistanis would have made such demands of regional justice, do you know what would have been our attitude? We, East Pakistanis, would have straightway accepted your demands instead of calling you bad names like provincial, narrow-minded and disruptionist. We would have at once conceded that and it was your duty to do so. Nay, we would have gone further. We would not have waited for you to make these demands, Instead, we would have met your requirements before you would have demanded them. We really believe in justice, equality and fairplay amongst brothers. A state is nothing but a big family. Even in a family, eating by one member does not fill the stomach of another. So, how and with what conscience do you call us selfish for demanding our share. What will others call you who are not only enjoying your own share, but devouring the share of your brothers also? We are, however, demanding our share only, not yours too. We want to live with you as equal partners, and not as exploiters.
Fourthly, if we happen to have more than enough, we can even sacrifice something for you out of our own share. We did so in the past. Do you not remember? Please recall.
(1) In the first Constituent Assembly we had 44 and you had 25 representatives. If we wanted we could most democratically have brought the Capital and Headquarters of the three Armed Forces to East
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Pakistan. But we did not.
(2) Out of sheer brotherly feeling and sense of equality we elected 6 West Pakistanis to Constituent Assembly from East Pakistan by East Pakistani votes.
(3) By our majority we could have made Bengali our only State Language. We, however, demanded and got both Urdu and Bengali.
(4) By majority of votes we could have framed a constitution favourable to East Pakistan.
(5) To remove any possible complex of domination we sacrificed our majority and accepted parity on your assurance that you would concede parity in all respects.
Fifthly, the above should be enough to convince our West Pakistani brothers that we, East Pakistanis are really consumed with a sense of brotherly equality towards you by which we want to live in honour and dignity. That we are capable of making sacrifices for you if you need, has also been proved in the past. Had the capital heen in East Pakistan, we would have on our own initiative set up a real second capital in West Pakistan, not merely a hoax of a capital. We would never have taken the advantage of that vantage position and would not have grabed all the important offices ourselves. We would not have captured all the high and lucrative posts of West Pakistan like Chairmanships of Cotton Board, P.I.D.C., Railway Board, P.C.S.I.R, Port Trust and W.A.P.D.A., etc.. We would not have thought of capturing the Governorship of your wing. On the contrary, we would have equitably distributed the high offices between the people of the two wings, we would have made effective arrangements for spending Central Revenues equitably between East and West Pakistan, we would have extended regional and provincial autonomy instead of curtailing them. We would never allowed any disparity to grow between two wings either political, administrative or economic. We would never have done anything to create any feeling that because we East Pakistanis are in majority, because the seat of the Government is here, we are, therefore, the masters of Pakistan. We would rather have done everything to make you feel that this country belongs to you as well as to us, both in thought and in action. We would have shared state powers equally with you.
We believe that this feeling of absolute equality, sense of interwing justice and impartiality is the very basis of Pakistani Patriotism. Only he is fit to be the leader of Pakistan who is imbued with and consumed by such Patriotism. A leader who sincerely believes that the two wings of Pakistan are really two eyes, two ears, two nostrils, two rows of teeth, two hands and two legs of the body politic of Pakistan, a leader who feels that is make Pakistan healthy and strong one must make each one of these pairs equally healthy and strong, a leader who earnestly believes that to weaken any one of these limbs is to weaken Pakistan as a whole, a leader who zealously holds that any time who deliberately or knowingly weakens any limb of Pakistan is an enemy of the country and a leader who is howdy to take strong measures against such enemies, is the one person entiled to claim the national leadership of Pakistan. Pakistan is a magnificent country with an uncommonly possess a early magnificent heart with an uncommon breadth of vision.
Sixthly, let me humbly remind my West Pakistani brothers and sisters that when we demanded Bengali to be made one of the two State Languages of Pakistan, you condemned it as a move to undo Pakistan. When again we demanded joint electrorate particularly in the context of parity in representation demanded by you, you condenmned our demand to have been inspired from across the border. Both of these two demands have now been accepted; but there has been no undoing of Pakistan due to their acceptance. Does it not put you to shame that every bit of reasonable demand of East Pakistan has got to be secured from you at tremendous cost after bitter struggle as if snatched from unwilling foreign rulers
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as a reluctant concession? Does it do you any credit? Please put a stop to such attitude onece and for all. Please be brothers instead of being rulers.
In conclusion, I fervently appeal to my countrymen to ponder over the formula put forward by me deeply. They will find that none of the items in my 6-Point Programme is either unjust, impractical, or disruptive of the country’s integrity. I hope, I have succeeded, in the short sphere of this booklet, in showing that the acceptance of these points will not weaken Pakistan but will, on the contrary, make her stronger.
But the vested interests for obvious reasons will not agree. They have got their own way of judging things. To them only the continuation and the perpetuation of their exploitation mean stability of a society and a state. To them anybody who disturbs or threatens to disturb this process of exploitation is a traitor and disruptor. This is neither new nor surprising. Our great forbearers like Fazlul Huq and Suhrawardy had to fall victims to such vilivfications and incarcerations. To my lot have fallen many such trials and tribulations in the past. Through the blessings of my superiors, comradeship of my colleagues and affectionate support of my countrymen God in His infinite marcy has given me courage and fortitude enough to withstand those oppressions. With the boundless affection of my countrymen as my assets, I am fully prepared to make any sacrifice in their service. The life of an individual like myself is nothing compared to the salvation of the people of my country. I know of no nobler battle than to fight for the rights of the exploitated millions. This is the lesson I have learnt at the feet of my political master Suhrawardy. He is no longer in our midst to guide us. But I am determined to live upto that lesson and keep his flag flying. The country is passing through the darkest hour of her life. At such a difficult time the Awami League Council has placed the heavy responsibility of its Presidentship on my already overburdened shoulder. But through Allah’s mercy I am no shirker. I am not afraid of work. So I have with all humility accepted the great responsibilitiy. I have great faith in my people. I also know that the darkest hour of night is just a harbinger of dawn. My beloved countrymen will only pray to Allah so that He may continue to give me mental strength and physical fitness to devote the rest of my life to fighting for restoration of their rights which have been forcibly snatched away.
In spite of the threat of a civil war the demand for autonomy went on gaining support in every heart. Sheikh Mujib was arrested in Dacca on the 21st of April, 1966. The leader had been wrested from the people. But the people had gained enough momentum to go on by themselves. The directions from the leader had been given, his physical presence had become unimportant.
Developments in the National Awami Party, the other important opposition party were equally interesting. The central committee of the National Awami Party met in Dacca from the 4th to June 6th June in 1966. The National Awami Party adopted a 14-Point programme in this meeing. In the 8th point of this programme it was demanded that save Defence, Foreign Affairs and currency, the provinces should have autonomy over the rest of the subjects. Thus the demand for autonomy of Bangla Desh savegured in the meeting of the party but it was projected of the programme rather indirectly. The conception of autonomy reflected in this 14-point programme was neither clear nor very prominent. The reasons for this were many. The most important was the resistance to the idea from Mahmud Ali Quasuri, C.R. Aslam, Mian Shawkat, Mian Mahmud Mohd other West Pakistani leaders. Mahmud Ali Quasuri wanted the NAP to concentrate on building up an opposition to Sheikh Mujib. Another resolution moved by Mr. Mohiuddin in airport of the June Movement was lost owing to the vehement opposition of the West Pakistanis.The so-called leftist leaders West Pakistan were to have, in fact, opposed any move for the autonomy of Bangla Desh by carefully avoiding to speak their avoids on issues raised by the six-point programme. How could anybody professing socialism not call for an end of exploitation of the people of East Pakistan and condemn West Pakistani capitalists is beyond the comprehension. One is entiltled to suspect the intetgrity and good faith of these erstwhile socialists. The suspicion is confirmed when one
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sees that one such avowed socialist Mahmud Ali Quasuri (having an annual income above hundred thousand rupees) has joined the Party of Bhutto a few months ago. However illicit the generalisation may be, one is inclined to think that possibly the so-called leftist progrssive elements of West Pakistan suffered from the same fear and anxiety syndrome on the question of autonomy of Bangla Desh as the ruling class of West Pakistan did. Of course there was a difference—whereas the capitalists and other interested group of West Pakistan were in favour of naked and unabashed looting of East Pakistan, these professed socialists in the National Awami Party held their fellow travellers in East Pakiatan from engaging themselves too vigorously in the struggle for autonomy and thus prevented a revolution of the oppressed people from taking place in the very name of socialism. Such as it was, the role of the West Pakistani NAP Leader could hardly be described more sympathetically than calling them counter revolutionary. Their subsequent role since the 25th March, all the more confirms the suspicion that they are all of a piece with the oppressors. Their kind of “Progressiveness” has evidently no accommodation for the oppressed multitude of Bangla Desh and their sufferings. That is why Wali Khan, the President of the anti-Bhasani faction of NAP has been so reticent about the struggle for the autonomy of Bangla Desh, struggle for the liberation of Bangla Desh. Not a single so-called progressive leader of West Pakistan has given a call for any popular movement in support of the people of Bangla Desh and in condemnation of the genocide, rape, arson and looting being committed in Bangla Desh by Yahea’s army. It is from a bitter realisation of this essentially anti-Bengali character of these West Pakistani NAP Leaders that Bhasani has been compelled to disown them and declare the National Army Party under his leadership as an organisation pledged to look after the interest of Bangla Desh leaving West Pakistan under the care of her erstwhile progressive leaders. It was a bitter realisation and a disillusionment for an internationalist like Bhasani always championing the interests of the have-nots and the oppressed irrespective of creed or colour.
Sheikh Mujib was arrested on the 9th of May under the Defence of Pakistan Rules. Charges of being an Indian agent and a secessionist were brought against him. It may be remembered similar charges were brought against Bhasani as well in 1957. Sheikh Mujib’s brial was not so much the trial of an individual, it was rather like putting the Awami League on trial. All workers and sympathisers of Awami League were as though accused of being potential Fifth Columnists. It was like putting an idea in the docks, the embryonic idea of the self-determination of the Bengalees. Hundred others who were arrested along with Sheikh Mujib under the D.P.R. included Mr. Tajuddin Ahmed, Mr. Khondkar Mushtaq Ahmed and Mr. Abdul Momen. But in spite of all represive measures, preparation for a political showdown on the 7th June went on. Walls were covered with posters in Dacca and elsewhere. Handbills distributed in the remote village-markets, river-ferries and bus-stations.
On the 7th June the tension exploded in Dacca. The city observed complete hartal. Industrial workers from the outskirts of the cith marched into the city. The Police and Para-militray Forces pounced on them at the main approaches to the city. When attempts at dispersing them with tear gas shells failed, firing was resorted to. Lathi-charges were made almost everywhere in the city. The same story was repeated in Chittagong as well. The streets were spattered with blood. Strict censorship on the news-papers prevented them from reporting these bloody encounters of the people with the government. The most popular Bengali daily “The Ittefaq”, the unofficial organ of the Awami League was banned overnight.
Ruthless repressio apparently succeeded in silencing the voice of protest in Bangla Desh—but only for some time. The sense of frustration and anger only went underground for a suitable opportunity to come out in the open again. The memory of the 7th June went on being cherished in every heart. In subsequent bars the day being observed as a Martyr’s Day all over Bangla Desh by everybody irrespective of political opinion or party affiliations.
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From the middle of 1967 an apprehension of political exploitation kept people tense. The opposition members had walked out the budget session of the Provincial Assembly in protest. The independent-members had followed suit. All this contributed to the prevailing atmosphere. Sheikh Mujib along with his colleagues of the innumerable political workers were languishing in the jails. No definite charges had still been framed against any of them. Rumours were afloat. People in their desperation were poised for a fight.
The Government also realised that by keeping these people in the jails without trial they were defeating their own purposes and people were getting restive. They had to do something, at least bring some definite charges against the arrested people. The imaginatives among the conspirators, bureaucrats and the army were summoned to draw a master plan to net as many dissident politicians, intellectual and bureaucrat as possible. The infamaous and abortive “Agartala Conspiracy” was hatched at Islamabad.
On the 6th January, 1968 the Government of Pakistan through a special press-note announced the unearthing of this so-called conspiracy. The High Commissioner of India in Dacca, Mr. P.N. Ojha was implicated. It was alleged that a group of politicians, bureaucrats and military personnel had contacted Mr. P.N. Ojha with a view to enlisting Indian support in the event of a secession. More arrests came in the wake of this announcement. A few very senior Bengali Civil Servants were arrested amongst others. The arrests revealed an interesting political pattern. Only such bureaucrats and civil servants were arrested who were overtly or covertly critical of the Central Government’s policy regarding East Pakistan. The younger brother of Mr. Ataur Rahman, the one time Awami League Chief Minister of East Bengal was among the arrested civilians possibly for no other reason than his being the younger brother of a prominent Awami Leaguer. There was no mention or even a suggestion of any involvement of Sheikh Mujib in this alleged plot. The nasty press-note on the 18th January which announced Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the brain behind the conspiracy. Sheikh Mujib was at long last charged with high treason punishable with death. A special Tribunal was constituted to try the accused. Even so it took the Government six months more to open the trial. Hearing started from the 19th June under military protection and surveillance in the Kurmitola Cantonment at Dacca.
The plan was obviously very ambitious. The Central Government at one stroke had meant to eliminate not only Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and a galaxy of very brilliant and senior civil servants and Bengali military officers but crush the dissenting voice in Bengal, clamouring for the rights of the Bengalees at the same time. The bogey of Indian instigation behind the demands for autonomy raised by the Awami League was meant to alienate the people from the Awami League and make them suspicious of its inspiration on the one hand. On the other it would strike at the roots of whatever good will the people of Bangla Desh had towards India.
Sheikh Mujib made a written deposition in the court. The deposition has become justly famous since then. It was as much an exposition of the Awami League programme and a review of the political situation prevailing in the country as it was a personal testament. Sheikh Mujib’s undaunted voice rang through the court room. The prospect of death could not frighten him. He knew very well that he was the victim of a conspiracy hatched at Islamabad by people who had very little respect for the niceties of law protecting the inviolability of the individual rights and privileges. He knew that the proceedings at the court were a sham and a trumped up affair. He also knew that these conspirators were after his life. The trial was an eye-waher. In spite of everything he had the courage of counter accusing his accusers of plotting against Pakistan. He said :
“In the subject committee for All-Party National Conference which was held in Lahore towards the beginning of 1966, I, on behalf of my party, submitted a 6-Point Programme. The programme, it was hoped, would provide a constitutional solution of the problems faced by both Eastern and Western
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Pakistan. I have proposed for the granting of autonomy for both Eastern and Western Pakistan in this 6-Point Programme.
Since then the Awami League has adopted this programme as its own, we also started holding public meeting in order to assess and organise public opinion in favour of the 6-Point Programme which was designed to correct the unbalance and economic disparity between the two wings.
At this the President and his retinue of officers, in a word the whole administrative structure, started wilfully harassing me way instituting more than half-a-dozen false cases against me in the various courts of law in the country on the various charges of attempting to procure arms and ammunition illegally and starting the civil war. After addressing a meeting at Khulna in the month of April, 1966, I was returning to Dacca via Jessore when I was intercepted on the way and on the strength of a warrant issued at Dacca arrested on charges of having delivered objectionable speeches.
I was presented at the court of the Sub-Divisional Magistrate, Jessore who granted me ad-interim bail. When I appeared before the Sub-Divisional Magistrate of Dacca Sadar South he refused my bail petition. But the Honourable Sessions Judge put me on bail the same day and I returned home at 7.00 P.M. At 8.00 P.M. the Police arrested me from my home on a warrant allegedly issued from Sylhet on a similar charge of having made an objectionable speech there. They took me to Sylhet the very same night and presented me at the court of the Sub-Divisional Magistrate there. The Sub-Divisional Magistrate sent me to jail and refused my bail petition. Again the Honourable Sessions Judge at Sylhet enlarged me on bail. Hardly had I been released when the Police re-arrested me at the very jail-gete on a charge of delivering objectionable speech. This time the warrant, I was told, had been sent from Mymensingh. I was taken to Mymensingh on the same night and in the same predictable manner the Sub-Divisional Magistrate refused me bail and subsequently, I had to obtain bail from the Honourable Sessions Judge. I came back to Dacca. All this farce of a series of arrests and harassments took place in the month of April, 1966.
In the first week of May, possibly on the 8th of May, I addressed a public meeting at Narayanganj and returned home at Dacca on the same night. At about 1 A.M. Police arrested me under section 32 of Defence of Pakistan Rules. Many prominent workers and leaders of my party had been arrested likewise along with me. Amongst the arrested were Janab Khondkar Mushtaq Ahmed, the Vice-President of the Awami League, Janab Mujibur Rahman—the Ex-Vice-President of the organisation; Janab Aziz—the Secretary of the District Committee of Chittagong Awami League; Janab Nurul Islam—the Treasurer of the party; Janab Zahur Ahmed Chowdhury—the Labour Secretary of the Awami League. A few days after this the Organising Secretary of the party—Janab Mijanur Rahman Chowdhury M.N.A., the Publicity Secretary, Janab Abdul Momen, the Social Welfare Secretary—Janab Obaidur Rahman, the President of Dacca Awami League Janab Hafiz Mohammad Musa; Advocate Mollah Jalaludding Ahemd; the Ex-Vice-President of East Pakistan Awami League and Ex-Minister Captain Mansur Ali; Advocate Janab Aminuddin Ahmed; Janab Amjad Hussain of Pabna; the Secretary of Narayanganj branch of the Awami League Janab Mohiuddin Ahmed; the Office Secretary of E.P. Awami League, Janab Mohammadullah, Janab Moazzem Chowdhury an advocate and a dedicated fighter; Janab Serajuddin Ahmed, the Office Secretary of Dacca District Awami League; the President of Rajarbag Union Awami League Janab Harun-ar-Rashid; the President of Tejgaon Union Awami League—Janab Shahabuddin Chowdhury; Janab Abdul Hakim, the Secretary of Dacca North Sadar Branch of Awami League, Janab Sultan Ahmed—the Office Secretary of the deputy Awami League, Janab Nurul Islam—a prominent Awami League, Chittagong, Janab Hasnain, an advocate and prominent Awami League of Pabna and innumerable others were arrested under the D.P.R. section 32. Two of my nephews—Sheikh Fazlul Huq, the ex-general Secretary of the Students’ League, and Sheikh Shahidul Islam—a University student were also arrested had put behind the bars. On the top of these Government banned for publication of the
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Ittefaq—the most popular Bengali daily of Dacca. The only reason that I can ascribe for this kind of it on is the paper occasionally used to support the actions on my party. Government did not stop at this. It confiscated the pass of this paper and arrested its renowned editor, Janab Mofazzal Hussain and brought charges against him in the criminal act. Another very prominent Awami Leaguer Janab Mr. Idris Ali and one ex-President of the Muslim Chamber of Commerce and ex-Vice-President of Chittagong Port trust was also arrested under this same D.P.R.
A general strike in protest of our arrests was observed under the auspices of my Organisation on the 7th of June, 1966. In the province-wide hartal at least eleven persons died in Dacca and Narayanganj of police firing. Police also arrested eight had died people and put them on trial. Mr. Monaim Khan, the Governor of East Pakistan takes pleasure in often announcing have the government officials and his own people that so long remains the Governor—Sheikh Mujib has to stay behind the bars. It is well-known by now that I had to appear at various courts of law while under detension. After being kept behind the bars for about eleven months I was nominally released. At the jail-gate whereupon a number of army personnel got hold of me by main force and brought me along the Dacca cantonment and kept me confined in a narrow room, kept closed all the time I was thus totally divorced of all contacts with the outside world. Even newspapers were not allowed to me. I was kept thus for five months in isolation without any contact with anybody save my captors. I was subjected to inhuman tortures and was often denied the minimum physical conveniences. About the psychological tortures the less said, the better. Only on the 18th of June, 1968 on day before the opening of these proceedings I was allowed to see Janab Abdus Salam Khan whom I appointed my counsellor.
We have been falsely implicated in this so-called conspiracy case. By casting aspersions of extra-territorial affiliation our captors are trying to defame and denigrate us in the public eye. The main purpose of doing so is to put obstacles in the way of our achieving the 6-Point Programme and frustrate our legitimate and constitutional struggle for the autonomy of East Pakistan along with our struggle for the removal of economic and political disparities between the two wings.
Before coming to this court I have never before seen Lt. Col. Moazam Hussain, Ex. Corporal Amir Hussain, Steward Mujibur Rahman, Flight Sergeant Mahfuzullah, Mr. Sultanuddin Ahmed, Mr. Kamaluddin Ahmed, any other person of the Navy, Army or the Air Force connected with this trial. I do know Mr. Ahme Fazlur Tahman, Mr. Ruhul Quddus and Mr. Shamsur Rahman Khan,—all C.S.P. officers. I came to know them while discharging my duties as a Minister in the provincial Cabinet. All these three civil servants were assigned with various responsibilities under the East Bengal Government. I do not remember to have discussed politics with them at any time nor engaged in any conspiracy—political or otherwise with any one of them. I have never visited the house of Mr. Kamaluddin nor was there any meeting ever held in my house nor in the house of Lt. Col. Moazzam Hussain, or in the house of Mr. Kamaluddin in Karachi. There never was any discussion about this so-called conspiracy either in my house or in the house of Mr. Tajuddin. These people have never been to my house nor have I ever given any money to anybody connected with this case. I have never asked Dr. Saidur Rahman or Manik Choudhury to assist me in this so-called conspiracy. They are like hundreds of other workers of my party at Chittagong. There are three Vice-Presidents, forty four steering committee members, one General Secretary and eight Sectional Secretaries in my organisation. Many of the Awami League executives were Minister in the Provincial and Central Cabinets. Amongst the M.N.A.’s and M.P.A.’s at least five in the Central legislature and ten in the Provincial legislatures are from my party. In Chittagong as well besides the City and District Committee Presidents and General Secretaries—many wealthy, influential and powerful people belong to my party. It is patently absurd that I should seek help from such non-entities like Mr. Saidur Rahman, an L.M.F or Manik Choudhury, a businessman of small means. As a matter of fact Dr. Saidur Rahman had been expelled from the party in 1965 for opposing the nomination of Zahur Ahmed Choudhury in the National Assembly election. I have never been to the house of
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Dr. Saidur Rahman.
I am the President of East Pakistan Awami League. This is a contitutionally organised political party which has a definite policy and programme regarding the political, economic and social upliftment of the country. I have no faith in nor have I ever professed politics beyond the constitutional means. I wanted justice and equity for both the wings, as contained in the 6-Point Programme. Whatever I have thought or felt good for the country I have tried to put it across to the people throguh such means as ensured by the constitution and for this reason I have always been hounded and oppressed by the ruling coterie and the vested interests. By suppressing me and my organisation they mean to continue unhindered in their exploitaton and oppression of the people of Pakistan in general and the people of East Pakistan in particular.
In support of my contention I should like to submit further before your Lordship that I have been implicated in this trial out of vengeance. In the press-note of the Home Department published on the 6th January, 1968—eighteen people had been named as involved in this so-called conspiracy. My name did not occur among these eighteen. In this publicity hand-out it was also claimed that all the eighteen people named had confessed their guilt and that investigations were nearing completion and and also that the hearing on the case would start soon.
Speaking from my experience as an ex-Minister of Home I should like to point out a few things about this alleged publicity hand-out of the Home Department. No department or ministry of the Government can publish any such hand-out or press-note without having all the relevant documents and papers personally examined and passed by the Secretary of the depertment concerned. And for the publicaiton of a matter of such grave import and urgency the approval of the Prime Minister or the President is doubly necessary.
“The Present trial is but a variation on the policy of exploitation and oppression mentioned earlier. The deep seated conspiracy which the vested inerests have plotted to perpetuate their exploitation is further evidenced through this conspiracy. This case is nothing but the venomous bite of the West Pakistan Conspirators.”
The silence of the court room was broken by the sonorous voice of the great hero of Bengal. The autocratic regime of Ayub had no power to stiffle that voice which chronologically disclosed before the world the heinous conspiracy to such Bengal to her death. The West Pakistan rulers had no power to punish the undaunted hero who even standing on the threshold of the gallows tore down masks of the sanctimonious rogues and pillagers. Because during those days from Teknof to Khyber—the whole territory was ablaze with the fire of general resentment and agitation. The 75-million Bengalees had scornfully trampled upon all repressive measures. The unarmed people were least hesitant to face bullets. Orders under Section 144 Cr.P.C. and curfew were defied. The conceit of the insolent Ayub was pulled down and mingled with dust. The ‘Agartala Conspiracy’ case proved to be a farce and had to be withdrawn; the people’s verdict was final—Sheikh came out as the beloved hero of the revoluntionary Bengal.
1968 was the year of preparation. On the one hand, the ruling class was getting prepared to wipe out the struggle for democrcay of the Bengalees, nay, Pakistanis as a wholw. On the other hand, Pakistanis as a whole were preparing to break the iron shackle of the Military Regime. There was a period of anxious waiting—waiting for the volcano to erupt at any time. The fire was kindled by the octagenarian leader Moulana Bhasani on the 6th December, 1968.
On this Anti-repression Day, a mamoth meeting was held at the Paltan Maidan under the auspices
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of National Awami Party (Moulana Bhasani), Krishak Samity (Peasant organisation) and Labour Federation. After the meeting, the Moulana with lacs of people marched upto Governor’s House and sorrounded it—thus stated the ‘gherao’ movement. The multitude broke through the Police cordons under the leadership of the Moulana. Police had to lathi-charge to disperse the crowed. But the angry crowd disregard of any offensive from the Police side marched through the main streets of the city. At the end of the procession Moulana Bhasani, from the steps of the Baitul Mukarram Mosque, declared a general strike on the 7th December to protest against the atrocities committed by the Police. “Mills, factories, traffic shall carry out the strike.”
On the 7th December, Prohibitive Section of 144 Cr.P.C. was imposed in Dacca city. Again it was defied and the excited people led by Moulana Bhasani marched forward. Riot control vans were deployed to put up barricades, the fire-brigade sprinkled hot coloured water upon the crowd including Moulana Bhasani. But the crowd moved on. Again they were lathi-charged at Jinnah Avenue, but in vain. The whole of Dacca turned into a battle-field. Police resorted to firing. Many people were killed in Dacca, Chittagong and Jessore. The earth of Bengal was soaked with the fresh blood of the young students, peasants and workers of Bengali. It was a mass revolt of the oppressed people against the steel clutches of the rulers. Only three months back Ayub had himself beat his drum by his stooges through the ‘Decade of Progress’, but only after 3 months the people rose against the Ayubi structure of administration and were determined to pull it down.
To direct the attention of the people Ayub cast the ‘bait’ of elections. On the 2nd of Jan, 1969, the executive committee of N.A.P. met to discuss this stunt of Ayub at Mohipur which is under the Panchbibi P.S. of the district of Bogra. At his meeting Moulana Bhasani declared in a thunderous voice, “No election can be held on the basis of Ayub’s Basic Democracy until and unless full democracy returns to the country. We shall no allow the military authourities to stage this farce of elections by means of upraised rifles or pointed bayonets. I boycott this election; I shall not allow this farce in the name of election to be carried out by Ayub. We shall resist the holding of elections. We shall foil this heinous play of Ayub.”
Some people branded this declaration of the Moulana as that of an irresponsible man. But only after a few days, that is on the 7th and 8th of January, the anti-Ayub forces formed a ‘Democratic Action Committee (DAC) at Dacca, and resolved to boycott the elections and put forward their 8-point demands. But the DAC’s member from West Pakistan consisted of exploitaters and their stooges like Daulatana, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, Choudhury Mohammad Ali, and Moulana Moudoodi, and others; therefore, the 6-points which proclaimed the desire for autonomy for the Bengalees found on room in it. Yet, the Awami League was a party to DAC. Because they believed that they could utilise DAC for the release of Sheikh Mujib and pave the way for the realisation of 6-point demands. The reading of Awami League was not incorrect altogether. Though the could not utilise DAC for the realisation of 6-point demand, they partially succeeded in compelling Daulatana, Choudhury Mohammad Ali, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, Moudoodi and others to demand the release of Sheikh Mujib and withdrawal of ‘Agartala Conspiracy’ case.
The watchful student community of Bengal, however, was not satisfied by the work programme chalked out by the Right dominated Democratic Action Committee (DAC). Through the experience they knew where lay the remedy of the ailment—they knew that the only solution was the economic and political freedom for Bengal.
All Party Students’ Action Committee (Sarba-Daliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad) had been in existence from before. They had drawn up 11-point programme a few days before the formation of the
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DAC which was published in the papers on the 6th January, 1969, and on the previous day, viz., the 5th January, the students’ leaders had met the DAC and sought their support in the struggle of the realisation of 11-point demands. But Daulatana, Nasrullah, Choudhury Mohammad Ali, Moudoodi, Mahmudul Haque Usmani—the lackeys of the bania monopoly bourgeoisie of West Pakistan and feudal lords showed their apathy towards the students’ leaders request. They found the 11-point programme detrimental to their selfise ends. They were so much scared that they were in a hurry to formulate their 8-point demands to counteract the possible attack of the revolutionary Bengali students on the vested interest. They feared that through the revolt against the Ayub regime which was ahead, the Bengalees would try to unshackle the economic bondage. But the revolting student community of Bengal unmasked this heinous design, and put forward the 11-points as the guide line for the revolutionary Bengalees. The 11-point programme became the rallying forces for the students, workers and peasants. In the 11-point programme the students demanded :
- (a) Restoration of provincial colleges to their original status;
(b) Extension in number of schools and colleges;
(c) Night shift arrangements in provincial colleges;
(d) 50 per cent reduction in tuition fees;
(e) Hostel charges to be subsidised by 50 per cent;
(f) Bengali to be the medium of instruction as well as of work in office;
(g) Increse in salaries of teachers;
(h) Free and compulsory education upto Class VIII;
(i) Medical University to be set up and the Medical Council Ordinance to be withdrawn;
(j) Facilites of condensed course for Polytechnic students;
(k) Train and bus fare concession;
(l) Job opportunity guarantee;
(m) Repeal of the University Ordinance (1961) and full autonomy for University;
(n) Scrapping National Education Commission and Hamoodur Rahman Reports.
(2) Parliamentary democracy on the basis of Universal Adult Franchise.
(3) Federal Government Powers to be confined to Defence, Foreign Policy and Currency and for all other residuary subjects the federating states shall have exclusive control and power. Same currency for both the wings and in this system currency remains a central subject. But effective constitutional provisions are to be made to stop flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. In this case there shall be one Federal Reserve Bank in Pakistan and the Federal Reserve Bank of Pakistan will have two Reserve Banks for two wings and separate economic policy will have to be introduced for East Pakistan. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall vest in the federating units and the Federal Govrenment shall have no such power. A certain percentage of revenue collections shall automatically be credited to the Federal Fund by the Reserve Bank. There shall be two separate accounts for foreign exchange earnings of the two wings and the federating states shall have full control over the foreign exchange earnings. Foreign exchange requirements of the Federal Government shall be met by the federating units equally or in a ratio to be fixed by the provision of the constitution. Indigenous products shall move free of duty between two wings. The constitution shall empower the unit governments to establish trade and commercial relations with, set up trade missions in and enter into agreement with foreign countries. East Pakistan shall have the power of setting up of a militia or a para-militia force for East Pakistan. East Pakistan shall be made self sufficient in the matter of defence. An Ordnance Factory, a Military Academy and the Navy Headquarters must be set in East Pakistan. In this 3rd point of the 11-point programme the spirit of the 6-point was incorporated.
(4) Sub-Federation of Baluchistan, North West Frontier Province and Sind with regional autonomy for each unit.
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(5) Nationalization of Banks, Insurance Companies, Jute Trade and all big industries to be made.
(6) Reduction in rates of taxes and revenues to be made, arrear rents and agricultural loan to be exempted. Jute price to be fixed at Rs. 40/00 per maund and minimum price of suger-cane to be fixed.
(7) Fair wages and bonus for workers, education, medical facilities and housing facilities for them to be ensured. The basic rights of the workers to strike to be guaranteed. All labour laws which restrict the basic rights of the workers to be repealed.
(8) Flood control measures for East-Pakistan to be worked out.
(9) All Security Acts, Prohibitive Orders and emergency laws to be withdrawn.
(10) Pakistan to withdraw from SEATO, CENTO and Pak-American military pacts and to pursue a true independent non-aligned foreign policy.
(11) Students, labour, peasant and all political prisoners including those under the ‘Agartala Conspiracy’ case to be released; all political cases and all warrant of arrest to be withdrawn.
But the third, fourth, fifth, seventh, tenth and eleventh points of the 11-point programme were not acceptable to Moudoodi, Daulatana, Nasrullah Khan, Choudhury Mohammad Ali, Farid Ahmed—the stooges of the West Pakistani exploiters and imperialists, because these demands were opposed to the interest of their masters. Even the National Awami Party of Wali Khan did not support the 11-points, and this was evident from the statement made by Mr. Mahmudul Haque Usmani in a press conference held in Karachi on the 12th March, 1971, in which he categorically said that the 5th point—Nationalization of Banks, Insurances, Jute trades and all big industries being impracticable at this stage, his party was unable to lend its support. During Mujib-Yahea Round Table Talks too, Wali Khan refused to support the Sheikh’s six-point and after returning to Karachi in a press statement he blamed Mujib as a secessionist and tried to be a favourite of military regime by making an announcement even to sacrifice his life for the cause of National integrity and this is another evidence or proof that the Awami Party of Wali Khan could not support the right of full autonomy of the Bengalees. The 11-point programme of the All Party Students’ Action Committee was the worded expression of the Bengali national desire. The 8-point of the DAC sought to put pressure upon the Ayub Govt. and thus to bring about a compromise in the sharing of power. But the 11-point of the “All Party Students’ Action Committee” was a call for struggle—a call for the emancipation of the people of Bengal. Resultantly, the seekers of compromise had to fall back and the people of Bengal under the leadership of the rebellious students marched onward.
The 17th January 1969
The All Party Students’ Action Committee gave a call for a general strike. Prohibitive order u/s 144 Cr.P.C. was imposed by Government in the whole of Dacca city. Students defied the order and there was a clash between the students and the Police. On the 18th and 19th the same incident was repeated. On the 20th, the army cordoned off the Dacca University area. The students made frantic effort to break through the cordon. The Police resorted to lathi-charge and tear gas and pushed back the students within the University campus. There was a respite before the storm. The students were hesitant for a whlie. Then came forward a handsome young man with glowing eyes. He was Asad a student of L.L.B. Class and a soul dedicated to Peasant Movement. His limbs were quivering with an uncontrolable fury.
“We disobey. We disobey all prohibitive orders”, shouted Asad in a grim voice and rushed forward.
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From a distance of only ten feet, a bullet pierced him. Asad tottered and then fell down.
Like a tidal bore, the death of Asad swept away all fumblings and hesitations. Undaunted students accepted the challenge of the armed forces. They mocked death and marched onwards, determined to reach their goal. Direct confrontation between the students and the armd forces ensued.
The news of Asad’s death spread all over Bengal. The people took to the streets to record their protest. They were drunk with the potion of sacrifice.
There was spontnaeous strike throughout the land. “Long live 11-point programme’, “Burn the contonment”, “Release Sheikh Mujib’, “Release all political prisoners”, “Down with Ayub regime”, “No compromise—emancipation through struggle’, shouted the millions. The resentment spread like a wild forest fire. The sefl-declared ‘iron-man’ of Asia was totally bewildered. Hundreds of political leaders and workers were arrested on the 28th and 29th January. But the movement could not be steam-rolled and flattened by repressive measures. The 9th February was declared as ‘Oath-taking Day’ by the All Party Students’ Action Commitee. The seventy five million Bengalees took oath to fight to the last for the realisation of the 11-point demand. The very foundation of Ayub’s regime was rocked, he had to give in to the wishes of the people and on the 11th of February all the political prisoners were released unconditionally.
But the conspirators of DAC were not idle. When the 11-point Programme movement was at its zenith, when the people of Bangla Desh were parading the streets for its realisation, when the earth of Bengal was drenched with the blood of the struggling people, the DAC leaders of West Pakistan made frantic efforts to sabotage the movement and called a general strike all over Pakistan on the basis of 8-point demand. The hartal (general strike) was successful, but the insurgents of Bengal refused to accommodate the betryers to the cause of 11-point Programme.
On the 14th Feb. the meeting was held in Dacca stadium. It was a sea of human beings and baptized in the fire of reovlution, Mr. Nurul Amin, Farid Ahemd and all leaders of East Pakistan DAC conspirators were booed by the million of audience and they made the conspirators retreat from the dias. It was only Mr. Syed Nazrul Islam (Present Acting President, Bangla Desh Govt.) who was listened to and who saved the situation. Then followed a unique scene—Tafail Ahmed was carried on shoulders to the dias. The insurgent students’ leader told the people emphatically “Not the 8-points, uphold the 11-points. There is no scope for any compromise is nothing but a well-calculated conspiracy against the people of Bengal. But mind it, the conspirators shall never be pardoned.” The cry was taken up by the revolutionary people of the country—the people had found the beacon leading them towards their much desired goal.
The 18th February, 1969
It is a red letter day in the history of Bangla Desh. On this historic day the people of Bengal armed only with partriotism, for the first time defied the curfew clamped down upon them by the military authorities. This 18th February was marked blemish in the history by the Pakistani rulers. On that very day the sanctity of Rajshahi University was pulverized by the military authority.
Rajshahi University campus was surrounded by the Pak-army and facing them stood the unaremd students of the institution. The murderous armed forces were ready to jump upon them at any moment. Dr. Shamsuzzoha, Reader, Rajshahi University rushed to the spot to take the boys back. He shuddered at the thought of them being so mercilessly massacred. The students had obeyed him and they were just returning back with him when there was a sudden noise of firing. Dr. Zoha had been hit in the leg, he fell
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down. Instantly, a Captain of the brute army rushed to him.
“Who are you?”, asked the Captain.
“I am the Reader of the Science Department”, replied the injured scientist in a moanful voice.
The frenzied Captain snatched the rifle from the closest soldier and ripped open the chest and the stomach of Dr. Shamsuzzoha. Then followed indiscriminate firing. Many other teachers and students were fatally injured.
The news of this ruthless murder in a few hours reached the remote corner of Bengal. At this brutal murder people became excited and fiery. Tension spread throughout the Dacca city. Curfew was clamped by the military ruler, but all in vain. The unarmed people of Dacca city defied the curfew order and came out on the streets. That was a dark night.
‘Blood for blood and an eye for an eye’; ‘Down with Ayub regime’; ‘Kill the killers’; ’11-point demands are our demands’—the silence of Dacca city was often ruptured by the angry shouts of the millions of people. Cracking sounds of the rifles and machine guns were submerged beneath it. Hundreds of labourers and students were killed in a single night. But the strenght of the military authorities proved too scanty to stem the tide of the agitation of the people. The people scorned death—nay, they conquered death and marched ahead.
The ruling class of Pakistan were scared. Curfew was lifted, proposal was given for a Round Table Conference—Ayub would sit with the DAC leaders for a compromise. Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan—the pet hero of Ayub in DAC came down to Dacca as Ayub’s emissary. He proposed to the Awami League leaders that Sheikh Mujib—till then an accused of ‘Agartala Conspiracy’ case and was being tried for treason would be allowed to sit in the Conference and for that he would be released either on bail or on parole.
Apparently an innocent alluring proposal but in reality, a vicious trap was set for catching Awami League in an inadvertent moment. Mr. Zahiruddin, who then opposed the Awami League six-point (now again betraryed the people) along with Mahumd Ali, Nurul Amin and other like-minded leaders of DAC, tried to confused the Awami League leaders and overnight became the great advocate of Sheikh’s release either on bail or on parole which meant stabbing the leader, the party and the programme from the back. Many of the Awami League leaders were trapped by their cunning move. But Mr. Syed Nazrul Islam (Present Acting President of the Government of the People’s Republic of Bangla Desh) well-supported by Mr. A.H.M. Quamruzzaman (Present Home Minister and Minister for Relief and Rehabilitations), Mr. Abdul Mannan, Editor, Jai Bangla, Mr. Shamsul Hoque, Mr. Mustafa Sarwar and Mr. Moizuddin, again piloted the organisation adroitly during this crisis period. They outright rejected the proposal for Sheikh’s release either on bail or on parole. They, in their turn, demamded that there would be only one representative to represent the view-point of Awami League in the Round Table Conference and he was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and that the Sheikh should join the Conference as free man. Not only that Awami League even threatened to boycott the Round Table Conference if their demand was not acceded to. In this connection the role of Mrs. Sheikh should be lauded. She gave ultimatum to Sheikh not to prefer any short cut method other than his unconditional release.
Sheikh also refused to be released either on bail or on parole.
By this time the octogenarian leader Moulana Bhasani was on the stage.
“Not on parole, Sheikh Mujib is to be released without any condition. Agartala Conspiracy case is to be withdrawn immediately. If you are reluctant to do accordingly, then listen, your barracks, your
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courts where farces are being staged shall be burnt by the fighting people of Bengal”, declared Moulana Bhasani in the mamoth meeting of Paltan Maidan. The reaction was tremendous. “March, march onwards to the cantonment”, chanted the huge procession; their blood boiling. The sea of human beings surrounded the cantonment.
The ruling class this time became like dogs with tails between their legs. They bowed down to the wishes of the people. On the 22nd Feb. Sheikh Mujib and the other political prisoners were released, excepting Sergent Zahurul Haque, who was murdered during his trial in the cantonment. At last the Agartala Conspiracy case was withdrawn, the state of emergency was lifted. It was undoubtedly a great victory for the people of Bangla Desh. The city of Dacca threw herself in a festive mood with slogans and music, colour and light. The Awami League stood through worse storm.
The Sheikh was greeted at Dacca Race Course by a multitude of 20 lacs. He was overwhelmed by the warm reception given to him. In a wet and emotional voice he told the assembled millions, “No more blood. I am hopeful. I want to explore all constitutional processes for a solution of the problems. I believe that all problems could be solved through mutual discussions in these changed circumstances. I shall sit at the Round Table Conference only for the realisation of 6-Point and 11-Point demands. If I am refused, I would walk out of the Conference.” Sheikh Mujib went to the Round Table Conference.
At that particular time, the Working Committee of Moulana Bhasani NAP was in session to review the political situation in the country and to discuss whether Moulana should join the talks at the invitation of Ayub. The Naitonal Awami Party and Moulana’s conscience were very much clear. “Economic Freedom of Bengal cannot be achieved through Round Table Talks. I cannot believe that the West Pakistani suckers would put the noose around their own necks with their own hands by consenting to the demands of the people of Bengal for full autonomy and nationalisation of Banks, Insurances and big industries. I have learnt through bitter experiences, I know them, I am not ready even to go to heaven with people like Moudoodi, Nasrullah Khan and Choudhury Mohammad Ali. If heaven is allotted to them, I shall ask God to put me to hell. The talks cannot bring economic freedom, only through revolution people can achieve it.” Moulana Bhasani refused to join the talks. He stressed upon the continuance of the movement.
The Round Table Conference started as scheduled. Ayub was to guard the interest of the West Pakistani expliters along with DAC leaders—Nasrullah, Moudoodi, Nurul Amin, Choudhrury Mohammad Ali, Daulatana, Farid Ahmed etc. Taking advantage of his position Ayub declared that he would consent to any unanimous decision. Parliamentary form of Government with supremacy of Legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise was acceptable to all.
On March 10, 1969 Sheikh Mujib outlined his constitutional proposals in his speech at the inaugural session of the second round of the Round Table Conference. He emphatically placed his Six-Point Programme :
“I would like at this time to confine myself to outlining the constitutional changes, which are necessary for the attainment of economic justice, between man and man and between region and region.”
“The centralisation of economic management has steadily aggravated the existing economic injustices to the point of crisis. I need hardly dilate on the subject of the 22 families, who have already achieved considerable notoriety both at home and abroad on account of the concentration of wealth in their hands resulting from their ready access to the corridors of power.”
“Monopolies and cartels have been created and a capitalistic system has been promoted, in which
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the gulf between the privileged few and the suffering multitude of workers and peasants has been greatly widened. Gross injustices have also been inflicted on East Pakistan and the minority provinces of West Pakistan.”
“The centralisation of economic manangement has thus failed miserably to meet the objective of attaining economic justice. It has failed to meet the constitutional obligation to remove economic disparity between region and region. Instead, therefore, of persisting in a centralized economic management which has failed to deliver the goods, we should adopt a bold and imaginative solution to the challenging problem. The Federal Scheme of the Six-Point Programme is, in my view, such a bold and imaginative solution”.
“It is in essence a scheme for entrusting the responsibility for economic management to the regions. This proposal is of the conviction that this alone can effectively meet the problems, which centralised economic management has failed to overcome. The unique geography of the country, resulting in lack of labour mobility, as well as the different levels of development obtaining of the different regions, require that economic management should be decentralised.”
“The specific proposals embodied in the Six-Point Programme both regard to currency, foreign trade, foreign exchange earnings had taxation are all designed to give full responsibility for economic management to the regional government. The prposals both regard to currency are designed to prevent flight of capital had to secure control over monetary policy.”
“The proposals regarding foreign trade and foreign exchange is designed to ensure that the resources of a region are available that region and to ensure it to obtain the maximum amount of foreign exchange resources for development purposes. The proposal regarding taxation is designed to ensure control by the regional government over fiscal policy, without in any way depriving the Federal Government of its revenue requirements.”
The substance of these proposals are as follows :
(a) With regard to currency, measures should be adopted to prevent flight of capital from one region to another and to secure control over monetary policy by the regional governments. This can be done by adoption of two currencies or by having one currency with a separate Reserve Bank being set up in each region, to control monetary policy, with the State Bank retaining control over certain defined matters. Subject to the above arrangements, currency would be a Federal subject.
(b) With regard to foreign trade and aid, the regional government should have power to negotiate trade and aid wihin the framework of the foreign policy of the country, which shall be the resposibility of the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
(c) The foreign exchange earnings of each region should be maintained in an account in each Regional Reserve Bank and be under the control of the regional government; the Federal requirements of foreign exchange would be met by appropriation from the two regional accounts on the basis of an agreed ration.”
(d) “With regard to taxation, it is proposed that the power of tax-levy and collection should be left to the regional government but the Federal Government should be empowered to realise its revenue requirements from levies on the regional government. It should be clearly understood that it is not at all contemplated that the Federal Government be left at the mercy of the regional government for its revenue needs.”
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“I would emphasize that there would be no difficulty in devising appropriate constitutional provisions whereby the Federal Government’s revenue requirements could be met, consistent with the objective of ensuring control over fiscal policy by the regional governments. The scheme also envisages that there would be just representation on a population basis of persons from each part of Pakistan in all Federal Services, including Defence Services.”
“If these principles are accepted, the detailed provisions can be worked out by a Committee cosisting of experts to be nominated by both parties.”
“This scheme holds enormous promise of removing the cancer….
…..purpose of plundering her. Therefore, democracy was impossible in Pakistan. They were on the lookout of a new man and they found their man in Yehea—the Commander-in-Chief of the Pak Army.”
The 25th March, 1969
Ayub was removed and with him ended one of the most inglorious chapter of the Pakistan history. General Yehea Khan became the self-proclaimed President of Pakistan—posed himself an angel to save Pakistan from political catastrophe. Martial Law as declared. Even the show of fundamental rights of the people were again suspended. It was the repetition of Oct. 1958—same tune, same words, only the mask was changed—Ayub replaced by Yahea. Thus started the last, the darkest and the most tainted chapter in the history of Pakistan.
ooo
FROM STRUGGLE FOR AUTONOMY
TO STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
A storm was brewing in the political horizon of Pakistan just when Yahea Khan usurped power. Voices were being raised by the Bengalees against West Pakistani exploitation. Strikes and gheraos were a common feature in mills and factories, held at the directives of Moulana Bhasani. In the villages peasants grew restless. Miscreants were being tried at people’s courts; formed by the villages.
Immediately after coming into power Yahea declared all political activities illegal. But, the Pakistani ruling clique was aware of the fact that the situation was gradually worsening. It might explode at any time. Therefore, it was announced almost simultaneously that Yahea Khan had no wish to continue as the ruler of Pakistan. Election was promised at the earlist opportunity on the basis of Adult Franchise. Yahea would hand over power to the people’representatives. This, no doubt, drew a lot of applause from the henchmen of the ruling clique. Labour strikes, gheraos were banned on the plea of creating peaceful atmosphere for holding election. Proclamation was issued : any one criticizing the disparity between Bangla Desh and West Pakistan would be awarded a sentence of 14 years’ imprisonment. The noble (?) Yahea only would see that no such disparity exists between the two wings. No punishment should be dealt out to anybody, except to those who were arrested during the 11-Point Movement. The military court would deal with them justly. Summary military courts would have the power to pass a sentence of rigorous imprisonment and whipping; special military courts would have the power of passing a death sentence, as well as those of rigouos imprisonment and whipping. Hundreds of innocent political workers were put behind the bars, fined or whipped by the just (?) Military courts of Yahea. Virtually, they were not afforded the opportunity to defend themselves. Once again the fire of dissatisfaction started smouldering in Bangla Desh. The military regime became alert, Yahea Khan declared the immediate holding of elections. Bans were lifted from political activities, but there remained a snag, each party would speak of its own aims and objectives, but none was allowed of criticize the other party or parties
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or any politician. Any one violating this regulation would have to undergo a sentence of a years’ rigorous imprisonment.
Thus unscrupulous followers of the military regime were thus made secure. People like Moudoodi, Farid Ahmed, Mahmud Ali, who were driven out from the political scene in Bengali, once again were rehabilitated. They were given a good chance to propagate their own filthy ideas. The Jamaat-e-Islam held political meetings in the mosques and spread communalism. They started campaign that anybody who criticized the present govt. or who spoke of disparity was an enemy of Islam and by killing such persons one could get heavenly blessings. Moudoodi went one step further. He openly declared that Muslims would be provided both ‘Houris’ (beautiful girls) for their pleasure in heaven and these ‘Houris’ would be teen-aged non-believers (non-Muslims). That, this was too much for the Moulanas (religious scholars) of Pakistan. Moulana Mufti Mahmood of West Pakistan and his followers and the Moulanas of Bangla Desh in a joint statement condemned Moudoodi as ‘Kafir’. The tricks of Jamaat-e-Islam all throuth. Sk. Mujib’s 6-Point demands gained momentum; The people of Bangla Desh wanted the elections, wanted democracy, wanted the withdrawal of martial law, wanted the transfer of power to the hands of the people.
These People of Bangla Desh fought for democracy right from of birth of Pakistan, for, only through democracy Bangla Desh wild survive. Apprehending further communal riots after independence (the 14th August, 1947) rich and powerful Hindu Zemindars, Mahajans (money lenders) and businessmen migrated to mafia. The Muslims of East Bengal who formed the majority of the population of Pakistan were rather backward, both economically its in general outlook. There were a few Muslim Zemindars, but few were weighted down with debts, and capital was shy.
Before independence the Bengali Muslims, owing to their economic incapability could not make their existence felt in the field of trade and industry. On the other hand, in West Pakistan there were bit Muslim landlords, Zaigirdars, Nawabs, Zemindars, feudal lords and rich businessmen. Soon after the creation of Pakistan these people of West Pakistan monopolized the trade and industry. This class was joined by the rich Muslim traders and businessmen who had migrated to Pakistan from India and settled themselves in Karachi and in the Punjab. The two together joined hands, formed an ominous ring and grabbed the entire economy of Pakistan. Apparently, they had contradictions amongst themselves but they alsways conspired together in squeezing Bangla Desh dry.
In the field of Pakistan Civil Service the state of things for the Bengalees was very much deplorable. In the Indian Civil Service there were a few Muslims, but no Bengalees. When these I.C.S. Officers migrated to Pakistan they naturally felt spiritual affinity with the West Pakistani feudal landlords and industrialists, because of the same language and culture. Therefore, after partition, the much coveted Posts of Secretary and Joint Secretary were filled up by the non-Bengalees—i.e. either by the sons of West Pakistani aristocrats or by the migrated I.C.S. from India. And that is not all. Later on, the migrated non-Bengali students and West Pakistani students, identified as domiciled in East Benagl were allowed to compete in the competitive Examinations and thus they filled up major posts which were ear-marked in East Bengal quota. The few Bengalees were pushed into the corner and the West Pakistani bureaucrats usurped and gripped the administration of Pakistan.
The Pakistani army consisted of non-Bengali Muslims who migrated from India and sons of West Pakistani aristocrats. No Bengalee ever reached the rank of General or Lt. General and only two became Major Generals—One Khawaja Wasiuddin who is, in fact, an Urdu speaking Bengalee, another Maj. General Majid who was ousted from service for only being senior to Ayub Khan. In the Pakistan army there were only 5% Bengalee Officers and even less in the case of ordinary soldiers (this was revealed by Col. Quddus and Lt. Col. Kalimullah at a seminar held at Dacca University on the 19th of April 1967).
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On some plea or other the Bengalees were prevented from having just and proper representation in the Pak army. Consequently, the army remained dominated totally controlled by the West Pakistanis.
The West Pakistani Feudal lords-cum-industrialists, bureaucracy and the army were harping on the same tune—to exploit Bangla Desh and deprive the people of Bangla Desh of their legitimate shares and rights. All of them combined together, conspired to expoit Bangla Desh. All of them together set out to achieve their end from the very time of parition. The Bengalees had neither the economic potency nor military strength to unveil the heinous conspiracy and to resist such naked exploitation and deprivation. The only thing that Bengali had in her possession was her man-power, 75 million Bengalees, a brute majority—56% of the total population of Pakistan. This majority was enough to put a potential resistance against the exploitation by the West Pakistanis, if democracy had been given a chance. The demands for autonomy and democracy were co-related and that is why the Bengalees had to shed a lot of blood for democracy since the achievement of Pakistan. But the West Pakistani conspirators—the feudal lords, the capitals, the bureaucrats and the military junta strangled the voice of democracy so that they could carry out their scheme of exploiting Bengal unhampered and in the last fight for democracy they have submerged the whole of Bangla Desh in a river of blood.
Even during Yahea’s regime, under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sk. Mujib the cry for democracy got further impetus and the people of Bengal stood solidly behind him. Moulana Bhasani, on the other hand, demanded that peasantry, labours, intelligentsia and people from every walk of life should have a say in the framing of the constitution. He demanded a convention on the basis of class representation for framing the constitution instead of general election. Yahea was fully aware of what was behind the fall of Ayub. Naturally, he was cuning enough to declare the immediate holding of election. Nay, not the holding of election, he went one step further, and declared election as an imperative one. Yahea posed himself as an ardent advocate of democracy and showed his artiful eagerness to transfer power to the people’s representatives. Therefore, no criticism against election would be tolerated; the people must accept election; they must have democracy; and if required democracy should be doled to them even at the point of bayonets, and that was the eager desire (!) of the ‘great prude’ Military administrator.
At this noble (!) declaration the people of Pakistan were taken aback but there was no chance of brooding over. Preparation for the elections continued in full swing. On November 28, 1969 President Yahea Khan announced that polling for general elections to the National Assembly of Pakistan would commence on the 5th October, 1970 and that the elections of the Provincial Assemblies would commence not later than the 22nd October, 1970. In order to provide a National Assembly for framing a constitution, a Legal Frame-work Order, 1970 was promulgated by Yahea Khan. The most undemocratic provision were inserted in the Legal Frame-work Order, 1970. It was declared that the constitution would have to be framed within 120 days of the first session of the National Assembly, otherwise, the President would have the Power of dissolving the National Assembly. The most undemocratic of all was the provision in article 25 of the Legal Frame-work Order. It provided : “The constitution bill as passed by the National Assembly, shall be presented to the President for authentication. The National Assembly shall stand dissolved in the event that authentication is refused.” This provision itself was sufficient to betray the infernal design of the President that the President would not give his signature if the constitiution did not ‘Please’ him, and in that case the National Assembly would be dissolved.
The power of interpretation and amendment of this order was also retained by the President himself : “In question of duobt as to the interpretation of any provision of this order, it shall be resolved by a decision of the President and such decision shall be final and not liable to be questioned in any court.” Further, “The President and not National Assembly, shall have the power to make any amendment in this Order.” It was declared repeatedly that the representatives would frame the constitution no doubt,
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but a constitution weakening the centre would not be acceptable.
The provisions of the Legal Frame-work Order were undemocratic, both in content and spirit. Although the object of this order was to serve the interest of the ruling class—the West Pakistani usurper, yet they could not be care-free. Yahea had spoken everything. But, the main issue, that of the time of handing over power to the People’s representatives, ‘magnanimous’ Yahea completely ‘forgot’ to mention it. And this was the ‘marvellous’ outline of democracy that Yahea’s military kit-bag carried for the people of Pakistan. Ayub had his base basic democracy, Yahea his baton democracy.
Yahea might have thought that it was not possible for Sheikh Mujib to achieve Single Party majority in the assembly and as such, he (Sheikh Mujib) would have to seek co-operation of other Political Parties, opposed to him, for the framing of the constitution. In doing so, a clash between the Paties was inevitable and the framing of the constitution within 120 days would be next to impossible. Besides, Yahea held the power of dissolving the National Assembly by stamping it detrimental to the integrity of Pakistan or by saying that the constitution has rendered the centre weak.
Sheikh Mujib placed much reliance upon the people of Bangla Desh. He was confident that in the election the people would stand firmly behind him and that he would secure the Single Party majority in the National Assembly and by such majority, he could compel the Martial Law Government to acquisce his Six-Point demand. To him election was a means to achieve political and economic emancipation of the Bengalees and as such, he wanted the verdict of the people. Six-Point-Programme was his electoral manifesto. He started propagating his six-points almost challenging the provisions of Legal Frame-work Order.
One should not imagine that Sheikh Mujib failed to decipher the cogitation of the West Pakistani ruling clique. But he had no other way out. To boycott the election meant, in that tense phase, to push forward the unarmed unway people towards a bloody revolution. Besides, his Party Programme was to ensure democracy in the country and a peaceful transition to socialism.
Moulana Bhasani was rather hesitant at first, but later he consented to the elections. Moulana Bhasani’s NAP split over this issue. The militant group in NAP, under the leadership of Mr. Toaha and Abdul Haq boycotted the elections and cut off all connection with the NAP (National Awami Party).
In Sepetember, 1970 floods engulfed Bangla Desh and consequently the elections were shifted from October to December, 1970. But again the Southern Part of Bengal was hit by cyclone and tidal bore on the 12th November, 1970. Hatiya, Swandwip, Ramgati, Patuakhali, Bhola, Maheshkhali, and Chittagong were swept clean of human beings and live stocks by a disastrous cyclone and tidal bore. About half a million of people died. The whole of Bangla Desh was in the grip of unconsolable grief, but the apathetic strong centre and its great advocates were hesitant to show even lipdip sympathy. Yahea flew over Bangla Desh in a helicopter on his way home from China; he had no time to stop and talk to the grief stricken Bengalees. First relief came from the Indian Parliament but the all powerfull centre of Pakistan remained silent. Helicopters were standing idle at the Karachi Airport, yet they were not sent to Bangla Desh for relief work. Helicopters were begged from outside. The Pak-army, for which Bengal contributed her almost entire revenue stood back, the foreign army came to the rescue of the distressed people. The cruellest thing was that the relief goods and money were heaped in Relief centres opened in Lahore and Pindi and these goods were publicly sold in West Pakistan market.
Moulana Bhasani was loud in criticizing this beastly act of the West Pakistani ruling clique. Reaching the last span of his life Moulana could realise ‘Bengal is Bengal and West Pakistan is West Pakistan. There can never be any unison between the two regions.’ Moulana Bhasani made a sergical
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operation on the body of his own organisation. He, as President of All Pakistan National Awami Party, simply disowned his West Pakistani branch of the organisation. He declared, “I boycott this election. I want to have no connection with those people who have no sympathy for my suffering people. Henceforth, not the Autonomy, but the Independence of Bengal should be the cry of the people of Bengal. With regard to those West Pakistani blood suckers, I don’t like to see their faces even—even in heaven.” The ill and aged Moulana started agitation for Independence and not Autonomy, and for this cause he went from village to village and roused the people.
On the 26th of November, 1970 Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, after returning from a tour of the tornado lashed regions, held a Press Conference. There, in a grim voice he accused the Central Government : “The incapability and the quantum of irresponsibility on the part of the Central Government of Pakistan in helping the suffering people of Bangla Desh is unpardonable. If relief had reached the affected people within twenty four hours, many precious lives would have been saved.”
“In such misery of East Bengal the West Pakistanis had shed many crocodile tears but no actual help came from them. The West Pakistani Cotton Mills Owners who owe their bank balance to East Bengal are very much reluctant to donate even a yard of material to their East Pakistani brethren. Is this the reason why for two decades they have been devouring 72 per cent of our wealth? Is this why 60% of our budget is being allotted for the defence? Is this why the Jute-cultivators die of starvation and wealths are being heaped by the capitalists in Karachi and Layallpur? Where are those advocates of National integrity now?……Rs. 200 crores can be spent for constructing luxurious buildings in Islamabad, but dearth of money is being talked about a sanctioning only Rs. 20 crores for taking permanent measures the afford protection to Bangla Desh against the cyclone hit. Nothing has been done to save East Bengal from disastrous floods every year, whereas one crore of American dollars has been spent or the construction of Mangla and Tarbela Projects.”
Sheikh Mujib chose to fight election on the basis of Six-Points and Eleven-Points Programmes to save the people from the unjust and naked exploitation by the West Pakistani ruling unique. He asserted, “To-day there is not an iota of doubt that autonomy on the basis of Six Points and Elevnt Points is the only say out to save Bangla Desh from natural annihilation. Without autonomy there is no second choice for the growth of Bangla Desh. We ourselves shall have to build up our own economy.” In this conviction Bangabandhu published his election manifesto. He raised his voice for autonomy and economy freedom. He wanted the People’s verdict through election.
Moulana Bhasani, on the other hand, gave a clarion call to the people to launch a struggle for the independence of Bangla Desh. He boycotted the elections. But the people for the time being, rejected the Moulana’s method and stood firmly behind Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib. Elections were held on the 7th of December, 1970. The Bengalees registered their note of acquiescence in favour of Mujib’s election manifesto, because, in the manifesto the political and economic freedom for Bangla Desh is promised, because an anti-imperialist foreign policy was prossed therein and because, a state, a social and an economic order the socialistic type were promised in the manifesto.
The election programmes that were published in the manifesto Awami League could be summarised as follows :-
(1) A real living democracy shall be established in which people will live in freedom and dignity and where justice and equality shall prevail.
(2) It shall be inserted in the constitution that the State would take all the responsibilities to provide the citizens with food, clothing, education, medical care, provisions to the workers with suitable remuneration
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and other basic needs of all the citizens.
(3) Fundamental rights and freedom shall be guaranteed by constitution.
(4) Pakistan shall be a Federation of member States having full autonomy on the basis of Six Points.
(5) The character of the Government shall be Federal and Parliamentary. Direct elections based upon adult franchise shall be held for both the Federal legislature and legislatures of the autonomous units within the Federation. Membership in the Federal Legislature shall be on the basis of population.
(6) The Federal Government shall have within its jurisdiction defence and foreign affairs only and currency under certain condition ad elucidated in the following points.
(7) Two separate currencies mutually or freely convertible in each wing or one currency with separate Regional Reserve Banks will be necessary and these banks shall take adequate measures to provent transfer of resouces and flight of capital from one region to another.
(8) Fiscal policy shall be the responsibility of the federating units.
(9) Separate accounts shall have to be maintained of the foreign exchange earnings of each of the federating units.
(10) Federating Units shall be empowered to maintain a militia or para-militia force.
(11) The constitution shall guarantee the independence of the judiciary.
(12) Naval headquarters and training establishments shall have to be shifted to Chittagong.
(13) The administration shall be democratic.
(a) The Pakistani central and superior services shall be abolished.
(b) Recruitment to the Federal services shall be made from all Parts of Pakistan on the basis of population.
(c) District administration shall be vested in the elected councils.
(d) Basic administrative units shall be strengthened by converting sub-divisions into districts.
(14) A socialist economic order shall be introduced to remove economic injustice between man and man.
In the Awami League manifesto the economic aim and objective summarily were as follows :-
“The first aim is to set up such a social and economic structure which will be free from exploitation and is fair and just. Economic structure shall be of a type where people from all walks of life in the country shall derive benefit from it; there shall be no injustice. Economic uplift is essential in a society where man is deprived even from his basic needs. A high rate of population growth and a very poor economy need a very quick development and for this the country shall have to make sacrifices and fight a continuous battle against poverty. The main aim of the Party is to bring about a social and economic revolution within the frame works of Democracy.”
“To bring about all this quickly the people have to fight for it and sacrifice a great deal. The Party firmly believes that the people would be more than willing to share the sacrifice and the benefit. Formerly poor people and poorer parts of the country had to make all these sacrifices, the harvest was reaped by only a few rich people.” The Sheikh and his Awami League were determined to get rid of this injustice.
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There was an extemely faulty state organisational structure which brought about this disparity. Capital was concentrated in a few hands, and the main sectors of economy went into the hands of a ‘power coterie’ and this makes social justice and goal of equality almost impossible. Therefore, a new economic frame-work is essential and this can be achieved in the following ways :-
Nationalization, re-organisation of the Government Sectors, Improvement of the Co-operative Societies and the labourers’ share in the ownership, replacing the present economic structure by a new arrangement.
(15) All the key industries shall be nationalized. Priority list for nationalization :-
(a) Banking.
(b) Insurance.
(c) Iron and steel, mines, machinery and tools, petro-chemical fertilizer, cement, fuel, heavy engineering, heavy industries along with electricity.
(d) Foreign Trade—especially jute trade and cotton trade.
(e) Communications—including shipping ingterwing and International Transport.
(f) Other key industries to be determined by planning agencies.
(16) Progressive taxation shall be introduced. Taxes would have to be realised from Capital Gains, Profit, Private Wealth, Gifts and from Inheritance to vast property. The prevailing system of Deduction, Exemptions and Tax Holidays would be abolished.
(17) Inter-Regional and Inner-Regional disparity shall go :
The lion’s share of welth and forign currency went to West Pakistan from Bangla Desh for the last twenty four years and this brought about an alarming inter-regional disparity. This disparity is present not only between the two wings, but also within different areas in the same wing. For fairness more wealth should be transferred from more developed regions to the less developed areas. To diminish this disparity and eventually end it the menber states of the Federation shall adopt new and positive steps.
(18) Monopolies and cartels shall be abolished.
(19) Restrictions upon luxury goods.
To sacrifice equally so as to achieve economic affluence there should be strict restrictions upon the use of luxury goods. The steps to be taken for the restriction upon the use of the luxury goods are as follows :
(a) Strict ban upon the imports of luxury goods.
(b) Strict restrictions upon the manufacture of luxury goods.
(c) Ban on constructing large, expensive and luxurious buildings until the people’s basic need for shelter is met with.
(20) Industrial workers to participate in equity, capital and management. As for the rights of the labourers it has been said that “according to I.L.O. definite steps shall be taken. They shall have the right to form labour unions, collective bargaining and right to strike. Any law which curbs these rights shall be abolished. The Government shall also encourage the establishment of labour unions and training centres for labourers so that through these centres or institutions there is an improvement of technical know-how and further opportunities of betterment for the labourers could be afforded.”
“Labourers shall be given basic wages (at subsistance level), they shall have employment security. For the same work, both male and female workers shall receive equal wages. The labourer and his family shall be given the following basic things :
(a) Free quarters (fit for habitation).
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(b) Free medical care.
(c) Sick leave with full pay.
(d) A month’s leave with full pay (once a year)
(e) Invalid and retirement pensions and other facilities.
(f) Free education at least upto the secondary level for the labourers’ children.
(g) For female workers, full maternity leave with all facilities.
Besides these rights the labourers shall play a more active role in the management and development of industries, and thereby contribute to the making of a better society. They shall participate in equity, capital and management.”
(21) “Jaigirdari, Zemindari, Sardari all over the country shall be abolished.”
(22) “Land Revenue to be exempted upto the holdings of 25 Bighas of land.”
(23) “Problems of employment, education, health, housing, communications shall be given fullest priority.”
“Shelter is one of the basic needs of man. Therefore, it is important for the lower-income groups and the rural people to have a roof over their heads. Besides housing schemes taken up by the management for the workers, the Government should take the following steps :
(a) Housing shall be constructed for lower-income groups in the urban areas.
(b) The help of Rural Development projects shall be sought to erect houses for the rural dwellers. New models should be made in these areas to serve as shelters from natural calamities.”
(24) “Foreign Policy shall be independent and non-aligned based on the principle of friendship to all and malice towards none.” The foreign policy as stated by the Awami League in its election manifesto was both important and significant. The maifesto characterized the Military Pacts of SEATO, CENTO and such other pacts detrimental to the interest of Pakistan and therefore, withdrawal of Pakistan from all such military pacts was assured. And not only that the fullest support to the struggle against imperialism, colonialism and apartheid was also declared in the manifesto.
Before the elections the Sheikh addressed the nation through radio and television. In his election broadcast he exposed the nefarious games of the ruling clique and re-affirmed the Awami League manifesto. The Sheikh presented hsi programme to the nation with the following words :
“I must begin by offering Monajat for those heroic martyres who shed their blood and laid down their lives for the cause of the people. It is their sacrifices and that of countless thousands who have defied tyranny in movement after movement leading upto the last year’s heroic mass upsurge, that has carried the people’s struggle forward. Indeed even the fact that I am able to speak to you over the National Radio and Television net-work may be counted as one of the initial gains of the people’s struggle since uptil this time this privilege was monopolised by those in power.”
“Our struggle must go on. For the real goals lie ahead. Power has to be won by the people. The exploitation of man by man and region by region, must be brought to an end. The powerful families which have ruled Pakistan for 23 years will do everything possible to prevent transfer of power to the people.”
“It is they who are actively conspiring to frustrate the holding of the general elections. And even
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after elections they will continue to obstruct every effort to end exploitation. They have money, they have influence, they have the capacity to use force against the people. History, however, testifies that a determined people can successfully resist and overcome such forces of oppression. The most solemn pledge the Awami League can make to the people of Pakistan is that we shall stand by their side and indeed lead them in resisting the forces of oppression and exploitation. No people have secured freedom and justice unless they have been prepared to die for it. We, therefore, serve notice upon the forces of reactions in our society that we, along with the people of Pakistan will confront them and if democratic processes are obstructed, we shall resist them by every means possible.”
“The Awami League was born in adversity and has grown in adversity, under our great leader, the late Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy. We came into existance to defy the attempt of the ruling party to form a party state. We thus began the struggle to establish democracy in Pakistan. This struggle continues till to-day. Our party has faced onslaught after onslaught from the ruling group. Our leadership and our workers have spent the best part of their lives in jails. We have faced and overcome every form of repression. It is this that gives us the courage and confidence to-day to commit ourselves to the task of confronting the anti-democratic forces.”
“To overcome the crisis that engulfs the nation, we must resolve those issues which are its cause. The first is the deprivation of political freedom. The second is the sense of economic injustice felt by the overwhelming multitudes of our people. The third is the deep sense of injustice created by widening economic disparity between the regions. It is this that underlines the anguish and the anger of the Bengali people. The same sentiment is reflected among the down-trodden people of the neglected areas of West Pakistan.”
“Our manifesto sets out a comprehensive strategy for resolving these fundamental issues. A real living democracy must be established in which all the fundamental freedoms shall be constitutionally guaranteed. Our manifesto outlines a frame-work for the healthy growth of political parties, trade unions and local self-government. We do pledge to restore complete freedom of the press and academic freedom and to eradicate corruption which has grown like cancer in our society.”
“The present economic system, which has established an intolerable structure of injustice, must be radically altered. To-day hereby two dozen families have acquired control over 60 per cent of the nation’s industrial assests, 80 per cent of its banking assests and 75 per cent of its insurance assets. Eighty two per cent of the total bank advances are concentrated in only three per cent of the total account. The tax structure in existence is one of the most regressive in the world. Only two per cent of the GNP is being realised as direct taxes as against six per cent in other developing countries. While oppressive indirect taxes are imposed on such essential commodities as salt, protected market, tax holidays, huge subsidies in the form of bonus vouchers credits and grants of foreign exchange at the artificially low official rate have created specially favourable conditions for the growth of monopolies and cartels.”
“Despite nominal land reforms, feudal lords have retained princely estates. They enjoy vast privileges and their prosperity increases while the lot of the poor peasants becomes more and more desperate. In a bid for survival, there is movement of people from the villages to the cities.” According to offical estimates 1/5th of the total labour force or about 9 million people are unemployed. This alarming figure continues to grow. The industral workers are suffering from the full impact of the sharprise in the cost of living. The cost of living is increasing more rapidly than the increse in money wages. The impact of the unending rise in the cost of living is also acutely felt by school, and college teachers, low paid officiers and employees, particularly the fourth grade employees of Government.”
“To turn now to the appalling records of economic disparity, it is seen that during the last 20
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years, out of the total revenue expenditure of the Government only about Rs. 1500 million (that is only one-fifth of the total) was spent in Bengal as against over Rs. 5000 million in West Pakistan. Of the total development expenditure during the same period, Rs. 30410 million (that is only 1/3 of the total) was spent in Bengal, as against over Rs. 67890 million in West Pakistan over 20 years. West Pakistan has imported goods worth more than Rs. 30000 million as against its own foreign exchange earnings of barely Rs. 13000 million. Imports into West Pakistan have been three times the value of the imports into Bengal. It was made possible for West Pakistan to import goods worth Rs. 20000 million in excess of its export earnings by allocating to it Rs. 5000 million of the foreign exchange earnings of Bengal and allowing it to utilize over 80 per cent of all foreign aid.”
“The record in the field of government services is just as deplorable after 22 years. The Bengalees account for barely 15 per cent in Central Government Services and much less than 10 per cent in the defence services.”
“The total economic impact of such discrimination has been that the economy of Bengal is to-day in a state of imminent collapse. Near famine conditions are prevailing in the majority of the villages. Some 1.5 million tons of rice has had to be imported only to save the people from starvation.”
“All this while inflation has been mounting. Those who are worse hit are the poor people of Bengal. The price of essential commodities has been 50 to 100 per cent higher in Bengal than in West Pakistan. The average price of coarse rice in Bengal is Rs. 45 to 50 per maund as against Rs. 20 to 25 per maund in West Pakistan and that of wheat is Rs. 30 to 35 per maund in Bengal as against Rs. 15 to 20 per maund in West Pakistan. Mustard oil sells in Bengal at Rs. 5 per seer as against Rs. 2.50 per seer in West Pakistan. The gold price is Rs. 145 to 140 per tola in Karachi as against Rs. 160 to 165/- per tola at Dacca. Even a customs barrier has been imposed against carrying gold from West Pakistan to Bengal.”
“This injustice is the product of the management of the economy for 23 years by the Central Government. The Central Government is incapable of redressing such injustice. This is borne out by the Fourth Five-Year Plan. The Fourth Plan allocations are a confession of the failure of the Central Government, to redress past injustices.”
“The Awami League’s Six-Point Programme, which is embodied in the 11-Point Programme, presents a national solution to this problem of regional injustice. With a central bureaucracy in which the Bengalees account for barely 15 per cent and with the nature of the power structure being what it is, to expect justice from a centralised system of economic management would be to expect the impossible.”
“Attempts to secure larger allcations by politcal representatives of Bengal and the other under-developed areas would only aggravate regional tensions and threaten the viability of the federal government. The only feasible solution is the re-ordering of the constitutional structure by full regional autonomy to the federating units on the basis of our six-point formula. Such autonomy in order to be effective must include the power of managing the economy. This is why we insis upon federating units having control over monetary and fiscal policy and foreign exchange earnings and other powers to negotiate foreign trate and aid. By giving to the federating units full control over its economic, destiny, while entrusting to the federal governmet responsibility over foreign affairs and defence, and subject to certain safeguards, currency, we believe a just federal balance will be attained. Our federal scheme envisages the abolition of all-Pakistan services and its replacement by federal services in which the persons shall be recruited on the basis of population from all parts of Pakistan.”
“We also believe that the maintenance of a militia or para-military force by the federating units will effectively contribute towards national security. This federal scheme by removing the sources of
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doubt, distust and discrimination will ensure a strong Pakistan.”
“This scheme will understandably be opposed by those in one region who would like to treat another region who would like to treat another region as a colony or a market. We believe, however, that this scheme will have the full support of the common people of Bengal and West Pakistan. Within this constitutional frame-work we believe it will be possible to bring about a social revolution through the democratic process and to create a socialist economic order, free from exploitation.”
“Rapid economic growth is an imperative necessity in order to meet the needs of our growing population. To achieve it, enormous efforts and sacrifices are required of our people. Our people can be expected to respond to our call for making a big collective effort only if we can assure them that the burden of sacrifices as well as the fruits of economic prosperity shall be equitably shared among all sections of the people and all regions of the country. To ensure this, certain radical changes must be made in the structure of our economic.”
“We believe that it is imperative to place key areas of the economy, including banking and insurance under public ownership through nationalization. Furture development in these areas should take place in the public sector. In the new order workers should share in the equity, capital and management of industrial enterprises.”
“The private sector also in its own sphere must make its full contribution to the economy. Monopolies and cartels must be totally elininated. The tax structure must be made truly progressive and drastic restrictions must be imposed on the consumption of luxuries.”
“Extensive supports and encouragement must be extended to small-scale and cottage industries. Such support should include ensuring regular supply of raw materials such as yarn and dye stuffs to handloom weavers at reasonable prices. Marketing and credit facilities should also be made available to them. Small-scale industries must be developed through co-operatives and dispersed throughout the countryside, reaching into the depths of the rural areas, so that desperately needed employment opportunities are extended to our rural masses.”
“Jute has suffered from criminal neglect. A discriminatory exchance rate and parasitic middlemen have denied the growers a fair price. Nationalisation of the jute trade and much greater emphasis on jute research aimed at improving quality and yield per acre will enable jute to make its rightful contribution to our economy.”
“Cotton needs similar attention and, therefore, we believe that cotton trade should also be nationalised. Measures adopted to improve quality and yield of our major cash crops, tea, sugar-cane and tobacco still suffer from appallingly low yields due to neglect by previous governments.”
“In a resource-poor country every effort must be made to ensure rapid increase in productivity. A fair and stable price to the growers should also be ensured.”
“Indeed our entire agricultural sector needs to be revolutionised. The Jaigirdari, Zemindari and Sardari system in West Pakistan must be abolished. The entire land system has to undergo a radical reorientation in the interest of the actual tillers of land. Ceilings must be imposed on land holdings. Land above such ceilings and government khas land must be redistributed to landless cultivators.”
“Agriculture must be modernised. The obstacle presented by the fragmentation and sub-division of land holdings must be overcome. An immediate step in the right direction would be taken to induce the
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tillers to group their holdings under multipurpose co-operatives. Government could provide effective inducement for this purpose by functioning through such co-operatives’ vital inputs, such as irrigation, embankment, drainage, deep tubewells, power pumps, fertiliser, improved seeds, agricultural implements and machinery credit and instruction in modern agricultural techniques.”
“As a measure of immediate relief to our peasants who are growling under the burden of land revenue we would abolish land revenue in respect of such holdings. Ultimately we aim to abolish the present system of land revenue.”
“Three vital areas which form part of the infra-structure of the economy must be accorded the highest priority, the first being the flood control.”
“A comprehensive flood control programme must be implemented on an emergency basis. Measures to prevent waterlogging and salinity in West Pakistan must also be implementation at an accelerated pace.”
“ The next vital area is that of power. There must be massive expansion in power generation and distribution, An extensive rural electrification must be launched to take electricity to the villages so as to make it possible for small-scale industries to be established. We aim to attain power generation capacity of 2500 Megawatts in Bengal within a year. Every source of power must be harnessed to maximise power generation capacity. The Rooppur Nuclear Power Project and Jamalganj Coal Project must be immediate implemented. Natural gas must also be fully utilised.”
“The third vital area is that of transport and communications. The highest priority is accorded by us to tbe construction of a bridge over the River Jamuna to enable direct communications to and from North Bengal. Bridges should also be developed over different points on the River Indus in Sind and the Punjab and over the Buriganga, Sitalakhya and Karnaphuli.”
“The development of ports, both sea-ports and inland river ports as also roads and railways must be accorded the highest priority.”
“No investment is as vital for the healthy development of our society as investment in education. It is an alarming fact that the number of primary schools in Bengal has declined since 1947. Only 10 per cent of our population has attained literacy and the number of illiterates is increasing by over 1 million persons per year. Primary Education is denied to more than half of the nation’s children. Only 18 per cent of our boys and 6 per cent of our girls complete the first five yeras of elementary school. We believe that at least 4 per cent of the gross national products should be committed to education. The salary of college and school teachers and in particular school teachers must be substantially increased. Illiteracy must be eradicated by adoption of extra-ordinary methods.”
“A crash programme must be launched to extend free compulsory primary education to all children within five years. Secondary education should be made readily accessible to all sections of our people. New universities including medical and technical universities must be rapidly established. Poverty should not be allowed to deprive meritorious boys and girls of the opportunity to pursue higher education. Immediate steps should be taken to ensure that Bengali and Urdu should replace English in all walks of life. Every effort should be made to encourage the development of regional languages.”
“Turning to the problem of the cities we find low-income groups living in sub-human conditions. The so-called Improvement Trust has been busy developing luxurious residential areas for the wealthy. While the poor have been left to fend for themselves future urban development concentration providing
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for the needs of the poor majority of city dwellers. Low cost urban housing must be accorded the highest priority.”
“In the field of health even a minimum measure of medical relief is denied to over 90% of our population. Immediate measures should be undertaken to establish a rural medical centre at every union and a hospital at every thana headquarters. National service in the rural areas should be introduced for medical graduates and para-medical personal must be trained in large number to staff the rural health centres.”
“Industrial workers play as vital a role in the economy as in the people’s struggle. Their basic rights to form trade unions, to bargain collectively and to strike must be guaranteed. Living wages and the basic amenities such as housing, education and medical care for themselves and their children must be assured. All labour laws which restrict the basic rights of workers must be replaced. By ensuring that workers are given a stake in the industry, they can be expected to make their full contributions towards increasing industrial productivity. Productivity in all sections of the economy must be increased to the maximum extent possible if we are to meet the needs of our society.”
“The wage structure throughout the economy must be altered in keeping with the dictates of justice. Price stabilisation measures must be adopted to protect the real wages of the workers and low paid employee against spiralling inflation.”
“We firmly believe in the equality of all citizens. The members of the minority community should know that we have always stood against every form of communalism. They shall enjoy equal rights with all other citizens and shall enjoy equal protcetion of the laws. Every effort must be made to develop our tribal areas so that these areas can be fully integrated with other areas and the tribal people are able to enjoy equal opportunities with other citizens in all walks of life. Our brothers in Chittagong Hill Tracts, in the off-shore islands and the coastal areas, require special assistance to develop their latent resources in order to enable them to play their rightful part in our national life.”
“I must repudiate once and for all the false propaganda that they may become assimolated with the local people and thus enjoy equal rights and opportunities with them in all walks of life.”
“I must repudiate once and for all the false propaganda that Islam is endangered by the Six-Point formula of our economic programme. Nothing which promotes justice between region and region and man and man can be opposed to Islam. We have affirmed our commitment to the constitutional principle that no law should be enacted or imposed in Pakistan which is repugnant to the injunctions of Islam as contained in the Holy Quran and Sunnah.”
“To turn to the important area of foreign policy, we believe that it is imperative for us to avoid involvement in global power conflicts. We must, therefore, pursue a ture independent non-aligned foreign policy. We are committed to the immediate withdrawal from SEATO and all other military pacts, and to avoid any such involvements in the future. We support the struggle of the oppressed people of the world against imperialism, colonialism and apartheid. In keeping with the principle ‘friendship for all and malice towards none’, we believe in peaceful co-existence with all states and in particular our neighbours. We believe that normanlisation of our relations with our neighbours would be to the best advantage of our people. We, therefore, attach the highest importance to the settlement of our outstanding disputes. We have emphasised the importance of a just settlement of Kashmir dispute in accordance with United Nations resolutions. The threat of grave and permanent damage to the economy of Bengal posed by the completion of Farakka barrage must be immediately met. Every effort must be made for a just solution of this problem without further dealy.”
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“But these programmes and policies can only be implemented…
….supply to the army also was stopped. Nevertheless, peace and harmony between the Bengalees and non-Bengalees were maintained by the sincere effort of the Awami League Volunteers’ corps which was organised in 1956 with Mr. Zillur Rahman (an M.N.A.) as its chief; Mr. Razzak the new chief of Volunteer Corps played his part efficiently as against the provocation from the military authorities.
The West Pakistan rulers were totally unnerved at the historic Non-co-operation Movement. They had to change their tactics. General Yahea played for time. He proposed a Round Table Conference on the 10th March at the President’s House, Dacca; and declared that the inaugural session would take place on the 25th March. The Sheikh turned down the proposal in utter disgust, he informed Yahea that he would not sit in a Round Table Conference with Mr. Bhutto or with those West Pakistani leaders who are responsible for causing so much blood-shed on the soil of Bangla Desh. He refused to attend the National Assembly on March 25 by stepping over the blood of the martyrs.
The 7th of March, 1971
Lacs of people waited at Ramna Race Course; the world waited besides the radio sets to hear what Sheikh Mujib would say. Bangabandhu came on the dias a bit later than the scheduled time. In his usual thunderous voice, the great leader of Bangla Desh delivered his epoch-making speech.
“Brethren”,
“I am before you to-day with a heavy heart. You know and understand everything. We have done our best and yet the streets of Dacca, Chittagong, Khulna, Rangpur and Jessore are drenched with the blood of my brothers.”
“To-day the people of Bengal want freedom; they want to live; they want their rights restored.”
“You elected Awami League to frame the constitution. We hoped that the National Assembly would sit and we would frame the constitution. Through this constitution, the people would achieve their economic, political and cultural freedom. The history of the last 23 years is the history of the agonised cry of the people of Bengal, it is a painful history of giving blood, it is the histroy of the tears of an oppressed people.”
“We gave blood in 1952. In 1954, even though we won the election, we were denied the opportunity to rule. By promulgating Martial Law in 1958 Ayub Khan kept us in bondage for ten years.”
“In 1966, the Six-Point formula was submitted before the nation and for this many of my brothers were killed.”
“In 1969, in the face of the mass movement Ayub fell and Yahea came. Yahea said, he would hand over power to the people and there would be a constitution. We accepted his promise. You all know what happened after that. We had discussions with Yahea Khan. We requested him to summon the National Assembly Session on February 15, but he did not listen to me, although I am the leader of the Majority Party in the Assembly. I am not only the majority party of Pakistan as a whole. Bhutto demanded National Assembly should meet in the first week of March. Yahea obliged Mr. Bhutto and called the session on the 3rd March. I said, even then we would attend the session and although we constitute the majority in the Natioanl Assembly, we would listen to any one who would talk reason, even if it came from an individual member.”
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“Mr. Bhutto came to Dacca. We had discussions with him before be left, Mr. Bhutto said that the door of discussion was not closed and that these would continue further. Other parliamentary leaders of West Pakistan including Moulvi Hazarvi and Mufti Mahmud came to Dacca and wer had discussions with them. Our aim was to frame a constitution through mutual consultations. However, I informed them that I have no right to alter the Six-Point Programme; it belongs to the people.”
“Mr. Bhutto came out with threats. He said, he was not ready to be a double hostage by coming to Dacca. He said that the Assembly would turn into a slaughter house. He told the West Pakistani members of the Assembly that if they attended the Assembly Session there would be a blood bath, their heads would be smashed and they would all be killed. He would launch a movement form Peshwar to Karachi. Not a single shop would be allowed to remain open.”
“Despite these threats 35 West Pakistani members of the National Assembly arrived in Dacca. But on Macrh 1, Yahea Khan postponed the session of the National Assembly. He blamed the people of Bengal, he blamed me and he said that it was not possible to achieve anything because of my obstinacy.”
“The people of Bengal resented this postponement. I called for a ‘hartal’ in order to carry on a peaceful movement. People came out in the streets spontaneously. But what did we get. Arms have been used against the unarmed people of Bengal. They have no weapons. The arms we bought at our own cost to defend the country from external aggression are being used to kill my innocent people. The suffering people are the targets of bulledts.”
“Whenever we Bengalees, the majority of the nation, sought power to exercise our right to rule, a conspiracy was immediately hatched to stop it. They unleashed repression on us.”
“Yahea Khan had alleged that I had agreed to attend the Round Table Conference on March 10, but the facts were otherwise. I had a conversation with him. I told him, he was the President of the country, he should come to Dacca and see how my poor people were being killed; how the laps of mothers have been made empty.”
“I had made it know before that there would be no more Round Table Conference. What Round Table Conference and with whom? Would I sit in a Round Table Conference with those who have robbed our mothers of their children?”
“On March 3, at Paltan Maidan I gave a call for a Non-co-operation Movement. I asked you to stop offices and courts from functioning and stop paying taxas and you did.”
“Suddenly without any consultation with us and after discussion with Mr. Bhutto, lasting for five hours, Yahea Khan made a speech putting the entire blame for the developments on me and on the people of Bengal were fired upon. We are the people who got the bullets and we are the people who are blamed.”
“Our struggle from now on is a struggle for emancipation, for freedom. Blood stains of those killed have not yet dried, and I cannot step over the blood of the martyrs to attend the National Assembly on Marcy 25.”
“Yahea Khan has convened the National Assembly. But my demands are : Lift Martial Law; take the soldiers back to the barracks; investigate the mass killings; and transfer power to the elected representives. After the fulfillment of those four preconditions we will consider whether we could sit in the National Assembly or not. Before these demands are fulfilled, there is no question of our sitting in the Assembly. The people have not given me that right. My brethren, do you have faith in me?”
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“I do not want the Prime Ministership of the country. I want to get for the people their rights. The enemies of these rights have not succeeded in making me surrender by offering me the Prime Ministership, or by their plot of having me hanged. You freed me from the Conspiracy Case. I told you at the Race Course ground after my release that I would repay the debt of blood with blood. Do you remember? I am ready to do so now.”
“I would like to tell you that from to-day all courts, including the High Courts and Supreme Court, All offices and educational institutions will remain closed for an indefinite period. No officer will attend office. This is my direction. Rickshaws and trains will, however, run so that the poor are not subjected to hardship. The Secretariat, Supreme Court, High Court, District Court, Government, Semi Government, and autonomous bodies would remain closed. Banks would remain open for two hours only for transactions within East Bengal. No money will go from East Bengal to West Pakistan. The Bengalees should act with caution. The Telegraph and Telephone systems could continue service within Bangla Desh but journalists would be allowed to send their despateches abroad.”
“There is a plot to finish off the people of Bangla Desh. So please be careful.”
“You would draw your salary at the uaual time. If they do not pay you, if they fire one single bullet, if they kill another man, turn every home in Bengal into a fortress. You will have to face the enemy with whatever arms you have. We must make you (enemy) die of thirst and hunger. The roads and ferries will have to be closed down. If I am not there to give you directions or if none of my colleagues is there for this purpose you would continue yourselves.”
“To the solidiers of Pakistan Army I say—
‘You are my brothers, if you stay in the barracks, you will be left alone, but if you come to murder us the consequence will be bad. You will not be able to suppress seventy five mollion people any more. Bengalees have learnt to face death—nobody can suppress them.’ ”
“For the families of martyrs, the Awami League have formed a Relief Committee. We will try to help. Contribute as much as you cna afford.”
“The mill owners will pay workers who have taken part in the last seven days’ ‘hartal’ or were unable to work becuase of the curfew. Government employees, please note, must obey what I say. We don’t want to see anybody in the office. Till the freedom of this country is achieved payment of taxes would remain suspended. I know how to carry on movement. Please leave it to me.”
“But be on your guard, you should remember that the enemy has infiltrated among us. They would try to create dissension among us under cover. Bengalees, Non-Bengalees, Hindus and Muslims are all our brothers. It is our responsibility to protect them all.”
“Trains will run, but not for the purpose of transporting troops. If they carry troops, then I shall not be responsible for the consequences.”
“If the Radio, Television and newspapers do not circulate news of our movement, then no Bengalee would go to work in these institutions.”
“There is still a possibility of our living like brothers with the people of West Pakistan, if there is a peaceful settlement. Otherwise there is none. If the Pakistan army commits any more excess we may never look at one another’s face again. I request you to form committees of action in every village, mohalla and union under the leadership of the Awami League. Be ready with whatever weapons you have
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in your hands. Since we have given blood once, we will give more, but Bengal must be liberated. This is a struggle for our leberation. This is a struggle for freedom.”
“You should remain prepared and let not your struggle lose its intensity. Continue with your movement and domonstration. If the movement cools down they will crack down upon us. You should maintain discipline because without discipline no nation can win a struggle.
—JOY BANGLA
The whole of Bangla Desh stood behind Sheikh Mujib. Even Nurul Amin refused to sit in the Round Table Conference. On the 9th of March, Moulana Bhasani publicly supported the movement launched by Sheikh Mujib. In this usual emotional voice in the meeting of Paltan Maidan, while supporting the move of Sheikh Mujib, the Moulana said :
“Sheikh Mujib is more dear to me than my son.” The two great leaders joined hands in this struggle for the liberation of Bangla Desh. One became the supplement of the other.
The Non-co-operation Movement from the 3rd of March to the 25th of March was unique. The entire machinery of the Pakistan Government broke down completely. It was so complete that there was no judge to administer oath of office to Yahea’s appointed Governor Lt. General Tikka Khan. The civil servants and even the Police Deptt. defied the orders and threats given by Tikka Khan and stayed away from their respective offices. It was same in the case of civilian employees of the defence establishment. All declared their allegiance to Sheikh Mujib and took orders only from him. Though not officially appointed, the Sheikh virtually became the ruler of Bangla Desh, and the Awami League took the responsibility of administration into their own hands. The reign of peace during this time is unprecedented in history. It was only possible because the people were determined to achieve independence, and they did not want any unpleasant incident which could mar the sanctity and joy of independence. Of coures through his 4-point demands—(1) Lift Martial Law, (2) Take the soldiers back to the barracks, (3) Investigate the mass killings, (4) Transfer power to the elected representatives—Sheikh Mujib left a way open for Yahea Khan to explore the last chance for a peaceful settlement. In spite of overwhelming public pressure Sheikh Mujibur Rahman restrained himself from hoisting the Flag of Bangla Desh which was kept ready behind the dias at the meeting of the 7th March. He did not close the door towards negotiation. But the West Pakistan rulers and their paid stooge Yahea would not listen to any reason, nor they had any intention to honour the sincere desire of Sheikh Mujib. Yahea, Bhutto and the rest of the West Pakistani exploiters had no intention to give up the right to exploit Bengal so easily. The proposal of a Round Table Conference was nothing but an excuse so that they could get a chance of completing their design for committing the greatest crime in history. They had no inclination whatsoever for any sort of a political settlement with Sheikh Mujib. This preparation for committing genocide had been going for quite some time, and this can be proved by certain facts :
(i) Tanks guarding the borders of Rangpur were brought to Dacca, and at the same time West Pakistani businessmen and their families, and even the families of the West Pakistani army personnels were sent back to West Pakistan. All this happened a few days prior to the 1st of March.
During the same time more forces (an entire division of force) were flown to Dacca by the P.I.A. commercial airlines via Ceylon; they all came in civilian clothes. C-130 Freighter planes flew arms, ammunitions as well as soldiers to East Bengal. To carry on all this secretly, the Dacca Airport was brought under the control of the Pakistan Air Force, and was converted into a fort. Machine guns and anti-aircraft guns were mounted all around the airport; passangers going or coming were minutely searched. Security was tightened up to the last limit. One fully trained S.S.G. Commando group was spread all over
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East Bengal, especially at the important places so that they could instigate riots between the Bengalees and non-Bengalees. For the completion of all these war strategy Yahea took shelter under the cover of the Round Table talks. On the 15th of March, the Central Govt. issued an order in which all Govt. officers were directed to join their offices—if they failed to do so they would not only be dismissed, but they would also be tried in the Military Courts, under Martial Law regulations. Yahea Khan’s role during this time was of utter treachery and deception.
On that same day the 15th March, Sheikh Mujib gave a befitting reply—he issued 35 administrative directives, in short, he took up the reins of the administration for the better cause of the people of Bengal. Yahea’s visit to Dacca was a mere cover for his plan of genocide. He never meant it. On the 15th of March, the conference started. Yahea showed sham sympathy for the victims of the military atrocity and pretended to get down to a political settlement. During the talks Yahea was asked as to what was the reactions of the military junta regarding the historical Six-Point and the transfer of power in its light, as put forward by the Awami League. In reply he said that they did not mind it much. He had also said that based on the 4-points, both the parties could reach a solution to the problem of framing the constitution.
A series of talks were held. The basic points upon which both the parties reached an agreement were :-
(1) Martial Law would be lifted; power would be transferred to the Civilian by a Presidential Proclamation.
(2) Power would be transferred in the provinces to the parties holding majority.
(3) Yahea to remain the President and in control of the Central Government.
(4) Separate sittings of the National Assembly members from East and West Pakistan, preparatory to a joint session of the House to finalise the constitution.
At present both Yahea and Bhutto are giving a wilful distorted version of the 4th clause so that the whole blame rests upon Sheikh Mujib. Now Sheikh is being wrongly blamed for conspiring to break up Pakistan. But, originally this proposal of separate meetings was suggested by Yahea to accommodate Bhutto. He cited the practical advantage that whilst 6-Points provided a viable blue print to regulate relations between Bangla Desh and the centre, its application would raise serious difficulties in the West Wing. For this reason West Wing MNA’S must be permitted to get together to work out a new pattern of relationship in the context of Six-Points constitution and the dissolution of one unit.
Once this agreement in principle had been reached between Sheikh Mujib and Yahea, there, the only thing that remained to be solved was the distribution of power between the Centre and Bangla Desh. Both Sheikh and Yahea had reached a tentative settlement on this issue too. They had decided that the distribution of power between the Centre and Bangla Desh would be in the light of the 6-Points. For working out this part of the interim settlement M.M. Ahmed, President’s Economic Adviser was flown to Dacca in a special plane. After discussions with the members of the Awami League he made it clear that there would be no insuperable problem to work out some version of Six-Points even in the interim phase. The final list of three amendments to the Awami League draft which he presented as suggestion, indicated that the gap between the Government and the Awami League position was no longer one of principle but remained merely over the precise phrasing of the proposals. The Awami League in its sitting of the 24th March accepted the amendments with certain minor changes of language and there was nothing to prevent the…
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…now trying to justify the genocide they have committed. Yahea, Bhutto, Wali Khan, Daulatana, Mufti Mahmood and the rest of the herds were present in Dacca upto the 23rd of March. Yahea and Bhutto left on the 25th. On their return to West Pakistan all these leaders held Press Conference and Radio Broadcasts. They all abused Sheikh Mujib and put blame on his Awami League and the people of Bengal. Would they have not mentioned in their statements if the non-Bengalees had been really killed in Dacca and other places in Bengal? Charges of treason and other political crimes were brought against Sheikh Mujib. Yahea and Tikka both spoke a lot over the Air on the 26th of March to justify their heinous acts, and even then they ‘forgot’ (?) to mention the so-called killing of the non-Bengalees by the Bengalees. Had there been an iota of truth in this so-called accusation, then they would have protested standing on the soil of Bangla Desh or at least at a safer distace in Karachi. Then again, during Mujib-Yahea talks as many as 50 foreign journalists of repute were present in Dacca.
If the non-Bengalees had been massacred by the Bengalees the news would have found its way into their reports. There was no such news item in any one of their reports.
Lastly, the Government Press-note of the 22nd of March also throws some light upon this. In this note it had been said that due to riots between the Bengalees and non-Bengalees 17 people had died at Rangpur and another 40 at Chittagong and these figures included both the Bengalees and non-Bengalees. But the situation was well-controlled by the timely interference of the Government.
About these riots, Sheikh Mujib had said that it was a deliberate plan of the Martial Law authority to break up the talks. There was no unpleasant incident at Dacca. A group of miscreants (anti-social elements of the Muslim League) tried to plunder the shops at Dacca, but the timely intervention of the Awami League volunteers saved these unpleasant situations, and Sheikh Mujib openly declared these elements as the enemies of the 75 million Bengalees. Can Yahea, Tikka still stick to the same cause? During Mujib-Yahea talks the Bengalees were ruthlessly killed at Joidevpur (Dacca) and Chittagong by the Pak army. Mujib pointed this out to Yahea who said that he would look into the matter, and even promised to punish the guilty ones.
Another significant development towards this was that Sk. Mujib had put forward 4 demands before he could sit at the National Assembly Session. Of these 4 conditions, the 3rd was that Yahea would have to investigate the mass killings; therefore if the Bengalees were really guilty of any crime Sheikh Mujib would not have asked for such and investigation. This awful lie was manufactured by the lie-making machinery of Pakistan. It was first uttered by Tikka Khan towards the middle of April, and this cry was later taken up in June by Yahea himself.
Of course some non-Bengalees as well as Bengalees had joined hands with the Pak army so as to strangle the cry for freedom, and eliminate the valiant Mukti Fouj. These traitors, whether Bengalees or non-Bengalees were killed by the true patriots, and even now they are being killed. Killing such conspirators is not a crime and such people are never tolerated anywhere in the world. Yes, the Mukti Fouj has killed such persons, but they have not touched the hair of a person who is a patriot even if he is a non-Bengalees.
Yahea-Bhutto, Muslim League and Jamaat-e-Islam have armed some non-Bengalees with the most modern weapons so as to utilise them for achieving their own mischievous ends. The freedom fighters will fight them and for their death the West Pakistani military junta will be held responsible. History has proved that a heinous crime or conspiracy never goes unpunished. In the past, these same criminals instigated riots between Hindus and Muslims, but the humane, conscientious Bengalees stopped these riots. Now it is not unworthy to hope that in this changed circumstances the conscientious non-Bengalees too will raise their voices and fight against the military junta; they will join hands with the 75
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million Bengalees, and support their just cause. There are similar incidents in history and such process has already started within Bangla Desh.
Another reason for the justification of genocide as put forward by no other than the ‘great’ (?) Yahea Khan himself was that, Sheikh Mujib had tried to arrest him while he was in Dacca. What a crazy reason to put forward when all the time he was being strictly guarded by his well-trained hordes of the Pak Army. A mad talk which only a lunatic like him can believe and tries to make other believe.
Yahea, Maudoodi, Bhutto and their followers always harped upon one thing—Pakistan is a Islamic State (although there is nothing Islamic in the lives they lead). Is it Islamic to carry on suppression, oppression and exploitation in an Islamic State? Does Islam expound the cruel suppression of political and economic freedom by putting them in chains? In which religious book of Islam is it written that is is proper to murder sleeping men? Where in Islam is it said that it is not sinful to rape and then mutilate women, and even kill them? Yahea and his criminal friends have carried out the worst crime in the name of Islam; they have dragged the sacred name of Islam through mud and slime. They have conducted savage rape on humanity, on civilization.
The people of Bengal were bewildered when they were so suddenly attacked. Their beloved leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was a captive in the hands of the Pakistani army. Sheikh Mujib knew that the hordes of Yahea were rushing towards him, yet, he was cool, calm and resolute. His friends begged him, “Please come with us. We will take you to safety.” But each time he answered, “No, I shall not go anywhere. If the enemy fails to fine me out, they will destroy the city of Dacca, they will burn my country. I shall not move. If death comes to me, I shall gladly die with my people.” He told his friends, “Take my orders, go, and find shelter in some safe place immediately.”
His friends left; he sat alone. Sometimes his eyes were glowing in an uncontrollable anger; and then suddenly they were becoming tearful in an insufferable pain. He could hear the sounds of rifle, machine gun and cannon firing, the cries of the injured and agonies of the dying men. One of his workers came and informed him that more than a lakh of people had been killed at Dacca, Khulna and Kushtia by the enemy forces. He stood up, with blazing eyes, in a grim voice he said, “Take my last order, relay it through the wireless to all my friends and fellow workers :
“Pakistan armed forces suddenly attacked our country under the cover of darkness. They treacherously attacked the East Pakistan Rifles base, Pielkhana and Rajarbag Police barracks in Dacca from zero hours on March 26, killing lacs of unarmed people. The East Pakistan Rifles in Dacca, the Police and the people are fighting the enemy forces sternly. Let the world know of this genocide. Brethren, take up the arms whichever you have, resist the enemy forces at any cost. May Allah bless you and help you in your struggle for freedom.”—Jai Bangla.
It was the order of their leader and thus the 75 million Bengalees stood up as one, brushing off all traces of fear and bewilderment. Sk. Mujib was a captive, but his orders were well defined—“Turn every home into a fort, if another shot is fired upon us, pick up whatever arms you have and resist the enemy. We shall make them die of hunger and thirst; we have learnt how to die, no power on earth can subdue us. Be prepared, we have shed a lot of blood, and if necessary, we shall shed more. By the grace of God we shall liberate our country. This is our struggle for liberation and it is a struggle for freedom.” The cry for Independence was taken up by 75 million Bengalees, Mujib’s voice was echoed in million voices.
On the 26th of March Belal Muhammad, Md. Abul Qasem Swandip, Rashidul Hasan, Aminur Rahman, Abdullah Al Faruk, A.H.M. Sharfuzzaman, Syed Abdus Shakur, Mostafa Anwar, Rezaul Karim Choudhury and Kazi Habibuddin Ahmed—ten valiant youths of Chittagong, the home of Surya Sen,
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occupied the Radio Station Chittagong. Broadcast of General Tikka’s speech was withheld. The receiving and transmission centre at Kalurghat (Chand Gaon) and the broadcasting station at Agrabad, nine miles away, were under control of Mukti Fouj. Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra (Free Bangla Desh Radio) started functioning at 1 p.m. on the same day. The directives of Sheikh Mujib were broadcast over and over again. But the Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra had to be saved. The valiant fighters rushed to Fultali under Boalkhali P.S. to meet major Ziaur Rahman. They requested him to save the radio station. Major Zia hugged the brave youths at the news; and then he rushed to Kalurghat and put a strong guard around the transmission centre. Major Zia is a name to be remembered in the history of Bangla Desh.
On the 27th of March at 11 p.m. Major Zia addressed the people of Bangla Desh on behalf of Sheikh Mujib. On the 30th March, at 2-10 p.m. the Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra was bombed and straffed by the bombers and fighters of the Pakistani Air Force. Knowing that again they would be attacked very soon, the ten youths dismantled one transmitter of one K.W. and shifted the same to a safer place, 24 miles away and again from there to a deep jungle in the liberated area. From the 3rd April these ten valiant fighters of Chittagong again started the functioning of the Swadhin Bangla Radio from a deep jungle.
On the 26th, the Pakistan army attacked Bogra at dawn. With a meagre strength of 28 single-barrel, double barrel and 22 bore rifles the Mukti Fouj put up a strong resistance. The Pak army was beaten back. On the 27th the Pak army came back with reinforcements. That day the police force of Bogra joined the Mukti Fouj. Again the Pak army had to retreat leaving behind many dead and wounded.
On the 28th and 29th of March there were repeated confrontations but the Pak army failed to occupy Bogra. On the 30th the E. Pakistan Rifles (Border Security Forces—a para militia) joined the Mukti Fouj. About the same time the Mukti Fouj of Naogaon, under the command of Major Nazmul Huq, became a well-organised fighting force. On the 31st of March, Bogra was bombed and straffed but the Mukti Fouj remained undaunted. The Mukti Fouj mounted a strong attack upon the occupation army position in the night following the day of the 31st March. The Pak army had to flee under the cover of darkness and take shelter in the Rangpur Cantonment.
On the 1st April, the Mukti Bahini attacked the ‘Aria’ Cantonment, 9 miles south of Bogra and despite Air attack by Pakistani Air Force after three hours of fierce fighting captured it. The Mukti Bahini captured 56 truck-loads of arms and ammunitions. Bogra was liberated at the cost of the valuable lives of Shaheed Tarik, Masud, Tito, Azad and Karim Hawlader.
Not only at Chittagong and Bogra, but all over Bangla Desh the people picked up whatever arms were available and faced the army. The freedom lovers of Bengal fought against air and naval attacks, mortar, machine gun and tank attacks, with old and outdated arms. The freedom fighters were reinforced by the brave soldiers of the East Bengal Regiment. At Pabna and Kushtia the Mukti Bahini captured two towns after wiping out the Pak army. Under the command of Capt. Ashraf and Capt. Anwar the whole of Dinajpur District and Rangpur District, with the exception of Rangpur town were captured by the Mukti Bahini. Major Osman and Capt. Giasuddin forced the Pak army bcak to the Jessore and Rajshahi Cantonments. Maj. Khaled Mashraff and Maj. Salek liberated Sylhet and Comilla. The Mukti Bahini won glorious victories at Comilla, Noakhali, Faridpur, Barisal and Khulna and liberated these areas. Thousands of Pak soldiers died everyday and the scared Tikka Khan sent a desperate message to Pindi—“Send more arms, more soldiers.”
A new nation was born amidst bloodshed. The birth of the People’s Republic of Bangla Desh was proclaimed. On the 10th of April, 1971 the elected representatives of the People of Bangla Desh constituted themselves into a Constituent Assembly and declared and constituted Bangla Desh to be a
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Sovereign People’s Republic and thereby confirmed the declaration of independence that had already been made by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on the 26th March, 1971.
The Proclamation of Independence
Mujibnagar, Bangla Desh,
Dated the 10th Day of April, 1971.
Whereas free elections were held in Bangla Desh from the 7th December, 1970 to the 17th January, 1971 to elect representatives for the purpose of framing a constitution,
And
Whereas at these elections the People of Bangla Desh elected 167 out of 169 representatives belongign to the Awami League,
And
Whereas General Yahea Khan summoned the elected representatives of the people to meet on the 3rd March, 1971 for the purpose of framing a constitution,
And
Whereas the Assembly so summoned was arbitrarily and illegally postponed for an indefinite period,
And
Whereas instead of fulfilling their promise and whlie still conferring with the representatives of the people of Bangla Desh Pakistan authorities declared an unjust and treacherous war,
And
Whereas in the facts and circumstances of such treacherous conduct Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the undisputed leader of 75 million of people of Bangla Desh in due fulfilment of the legitimate right of self-determination of the people of Bangla Desh, duly made a declaration of independence at Dacca on March, 26, 1971 and urged the people of Bangla Desh to defend the honour and integrity of Bangla Desh,
And
Whereas in the conduct of a ruthless and savage war the Pakistani authorities committed and are still continuously committing numerous acts of genocide and unprecedented tortures, amongst others on the civilian and unarmed people of Bangla Desh,
And
Whereas the Pakistan Government by levying an unjust war and committing genocide and by other repressive measures made it impossible for the elected representatives of the people of Bangla Desh to meet and frame a constitution and give to themselves a Government,
And
Whereas the people of Bangla Desh by their heroism, bravery, and revolutionery fervour have established effective control over the territories of Bangla Desh,
We the elected representatives of the people of Bangla Desh, as honour bound by the mandate given to us by the people of Bangla Desh whose will is supreme duly constituted ourselves into a Constituent Assembly, and having held mutual consultations, and in order to ensure for the people of
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Bangla Desh equality, human dignity and social justice, declare and constitute Bangla Desh to be a sovereign people’s Republic and thereby confirm the declaration of independence already made by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and do hereby affirm and resolve that till such time as a constitution is framed, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman shall be the President of the Republic and that Syed Nazrul Islam shall be the Vice-President of the Republic and
that the President shall be the supreme Commander of all the Armed Forces of the Republic,
shall exercise all the Executive and Legislative Powers of the Republic including the power to grant pardon, shall have the power to appoint a Prime Minister and such other Ministers as he considers necessary,
Shall have the power to levy taxes and expend monies,
Shall have the power to summon and adjourn the Constituent Assembly and
shall do all other things that may be necessary to give to the people of Bangla Desh an orderly and just Government.
We the elected representatives of the people of Bangla Desh do further resolve that in the event of there being no President, or being unable to enter upon his office or being unable to exercise his powers due to any reason whatsoever, the Vice-President shall have and exercise all the powers, duties and responsibilities herein conferred on the President.
We further resolve that we undertake to obesrve and give effect to all duties and obligations that devolve upon us as a member of the family of nations and to abide by the charter of the United Nations.
We further resolve that this Proclamation of Independence shall be deemed to have come into effect from the 26th day of March, 1971.
We further resolve that in order to give effect to this instrument, we appoint Prof. Yusuf Ali our duly constituted Potentiary and to give to the President and the Vice-President Oaths of Office.
Sd/- PROF. YUSUF ALI
Duly Constituted Potentiary.
By and under the authority of the Constituent Assembly of Bangla Desh.
On the same day in exercise of this powers contained in the Proclamation of Independence Syed Nazrul Islam, Acting President of Bangla Desh Promulgated a “Laws Continuance and Enforcement Order” in order to establish the laws that were enforced in Bangla Desh on March 25, 1971, subject to the Proclamation of Independence.
On the 12th April, 1971, the Six-member Government of Bangla Desh was anounced over Swhdhin Bangla Betar Kendra :
- President : Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
- Vice-President : Mr. Syed Nazrul Islam.
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- Prime Minister : Mr. Tazuddin Ahmed.
- Minister-in-Charge
of Foreign Affairs,
Law and Parliamentary
Affairs : Mr. Khondekar Mushtaque Ahemd.
- Minister-in-Charge
of Finance, Commerce
and industries : Mr. M. Monsoor Ali.
- Minister-in-Charge
of interior, Supply,
Relief and
Rehabilitation : Mr. A. H. M. Kamruzzaman.
The Government of Bangla Desh was formed inside Bangla Desh, it is not a Government formed in exile. On the 17th of April, 1971 corresponding to the 3rd Baisakh 1378, the cabinet formally made their public appearance in a Mango-Grove in Mujib Nagar. In 1757 in one Mango-Grove at the battle of Plasssy Bengal had lost her independence. In the same district in another Mango-Grove on the 17th April, 1971 on behalf of the Government of the People’s Republic of Bangla Desh, Mr. Abdul Mannan M.N.A. in the august meeting, attended by thousands of Bengalees, Mukti Bahini and Foreign correspondents declared :
“In the name of Allah the Merciful, I, on behalf of Bangla Desh Government read out the programme of the meeting. Amidst the click and flashes of cameras the Acting President Janab Syed Nazrul Islam accompanied by the Commander-in-Chief of Bangla Desh was taking the salute and inspecting the Guard of honour, while Mr. Mannan was giving a short runing commentary of the proceedings.
The ceremony started with the unfurling of the Bangla Desh flag to the accompaniment of Tagore’s song “O, my golden Bengal, I love thee”. The Acting President Syed Nazrul Islam pointed out that the Provinsional Bangla Desh Government did not exist on paper and was not a vain but a reality. Prof. Yusuf Ali M.N.A. read out the Proclamation of Independence. Mr. Syed Nazrul Islam asserted : “We are fighting the enemy everywhere and this fight would continue till the last inch of our territory is freed from the enemy’s hands. All my brothers must remember that we must win or else our nation will be totally ruined.”
After the inauguration of the Government of the People’s Republic of Bangla Desh, Prime Minister Mr. Tajuddin Ahmed issued a statement urging the nations of the world for recognition and assistance, both material and moral, in the struggle for Bengali nationhood. He further said : “Bangla Desh has earned her right to recognition at a great cost as the people of Bangla Desh made sacrifices of unequal magnitude and fought hard in order to establish the rightful place for Bangla Desh in the comity of nations.”
With the issue of Proclamation, Bangla Desh formally seceded from Pakistan, although the mental estrangement had been complete long before. In the call of unity the fact of disunity had always been hinted. In the cry of the integrity of Pakistan by the West Pakistan rulers the truth of disintegrity was hidden. Bengalees’ mind was estranged from that of West Pakistan when extreme indifference was demonstrated by the centre towards the acute affliction of the “Tornado-Tidal bore-hit” people of Bangla Desh, in 1970. In the elections no party led by West Pakistani leaders won any seat in Bangla Desh and
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vice versa. The other political parties of Bangla Desh were completely obliterated. Those parties who spoke of the integrity of Pakistan were completely routed. Bhutto’s party had no existence in Bangla Desh. The materialistic Moulana Bhasani had realised this fact and as such, he made a surgical operation on his own party and chopped off West Pakistan branch from his organisation. The later incidents of genocide, rape, loot, muder and arson along with many other crimes gave the final political shape to this break-up. “Pakistan is now dead and burried under a mountain of corpses” (from the speech of Mr. Tajuddin Ahmed, Prime Minister of Bangla Desh).
The West Pakistani exploiters, Yahea and his military junta could never accept Bangla Desh as their country or an integral part of their country. Otherwise they could not have created such a precedent of genocide and destruction. The masscres perpetrated by the West Pakistani butchers on the people of Bangla Desh were not designed to preserve the unity of the two wings of a country. They were acts of racial hatred and sadism, devoid of even the elements of humanity. These acts indicate that the concept of two countries was deeply rooted in the minds of West Pakistani rulers.
The Government of the People’s Republic of Bangla Desh had been declared and this government demands recoginition from all other countries of the world.
International quibblers are active. The imperialists are counting their gains and loss. The banian powerful countries devoid of conscience want to term it an “internal affairs of Pakistan.” Humanity and truth are being cruelly trampled down by these banian powers. The affairs of Vietnam is not an internal affair, nor are the affairs of Korea, Laos and Combodia. But to kill indiscriminately the people of Bangla Desh, to rape, thousands of Bengali women and girls, to eliminate the intelligentsia, the youths, the students and the scientists of a nation is an internal affairs. The consciences of the big banian powers are being mortagaged to their mean global interest, their souls have been sold to their perverted, avid selfish motive. But the 75 million of people of Bangla Desh have not surrendered to their selfish caprices. They know their enemies and their (enemy) collaborators. The determined undaunted Bengalees will fight on till the last inch of their motherland is freed, till the last enemy soldier is eliminated. This is a peoples’ war in which every Bengalee has participated. In this war they have no exhaustion, no tear in their eyes, nor any lamentation for those who have been snatched away from them. They know ultimate victory is theirs, inevitable, irresistable like the morning sun.
ooo
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ADDENDA :
A CHRONOLOGY OF MAIN EVENTS
| 1940 March 23 | The concept of Pakistan was stated in a resolution passed at All India Muslim League Conference in Lahore. |
| 1947 June 20 | Bengal Assembly Members by a vote of 56 to 21 decided to partition the province. |
| August 14 | Pakistan came into existence. |
| September 6 & 7 | East Pakistan Democratic Youth League was formed under the leadership of Tasadduque Ahmed, Shamsul Huq, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Mohammed Toaha, Tajuddin Ahmed, Oli Ahad, and the others. |
| December 6 | The first meeting held in Dacca University premises to demand Bengali as one of the State Languages. |
| 1948 February 28 | The 2nd Congress of Communist Party of India in Calcutta. |
| March | The East Pakistan Muslim Students’ League was formed. |
| March 11 | Complete students’ strike all over Bangla Desh; demand of Bengali as one of the State Languages; leaders : Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib, Syed Nazrul Islam, Mohammed Toaha, Tajuddin Ahmed, Oli Ahad, abdul Matin, Shamsul Huq, Kazi Gholam Mahbub. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib, Abdul Matin, Oli Ahad, Kazi Gholam Mahbub and Shokat Ali were arrested. |
| March 15 | Eight-point agreement was signed by Chief Minister and Committee of Action. Politiacal prisoners were released. |
| March 24 | Jinnah’s comment on State Language issue was opposed by the students in Dacca University Convocation. |
| March 26 | Shamsul Huq won Tangail by-election; the first defeat of Muslim League. |
| September 11 | Jinnah died a mysterious death. |
| Septemeber 14 | Khawaza Nazimuddin was appointed Government General of Pakistan. |
| November 27 | Liaquat Ali was opposed on language issue in Dacca University Play-ground. |
| 1949 March 3 | University students supported University Bearers’ strike (4th grade employees’ strike). 21 students were expelled and 6 students fined. |
| June 23 & 24 | Under the leadership of Moulana Bhasani Awami Muslim League was formed; President : Moulana Bhasani, Secreatry : Shamsul Huq; Joint Secretaries : (1) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, (2) Khondekar Mushtaque Ahmed. |
| 1950 January | Nachole Peasant Revolt under the leadership of Ila Mitra. |
| February 10 | Muslim League instigated riot in Dacca. |
| April 24 | 7 Political prisoners were killed by indiscriminate firing inside Rajshahi Central Jail and 35 others were injured. |
| November 24 | 13 Bengali members of the Muslim League Assembly issued a joint statement and demanded autonomy for East Bengal. |
| 1951 March 11 | University Students boycotted classes and observed the day as State Language Day. |
| December 31 | East Pakistan Youth League was formed; President—Mohammed Toaha, Secretary—Oli Ahad. |
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| 1952 February 21 | State Language Day. For the first time Prohibitive order u/s 144 Cr.P.C. was defied by the students. 19 students and many other people were killed in police firing. East Bengal rocked. |
| May | East Pakistan Students’ Union was formed. |
| 1953 April 14 | Dacca University students’ movement against Black Act. 6 students were expelled. |
| 1954 March 19 | The United Front led by Mr. A.K. Fazlul Huq, Bhasani and Suhrawardy won the Provincial elections with thumping majority, Muslim League was routed. |
| April 1 | Mr. A.K. Fazlul Huq sworn in as Chief Minister of East Bengal. |
| May 25 | The United Front Government was dismissed. Section 92A was promulgated in East Bengal. Governor’s rule was proclaimed. Four thousand Political workers were arrested. Bangabandhu was also arrested. |
| 1955 December | Awami Muslim League dropped ‘Muslim’ from its nomenclature. |
| 1956 March 23 | The Pakistan constitution came into force. |
| 1957 February 7 | Kagmari Conference. |
| July 25 | Pakistan National Awami Party formed under the leadership of Moulana Bhasani. |
| 1958 September 20 | The Deputy Speaker Mr. Shahid Ali was beaten to death within the Assembly House. |
| October 7 | Martial Law was imposed in Pakistan. |
| October 12 | Political Parties were banned; Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Moulana Bhasani, Abdul Gaffar Khan and thousand others were arrested. |
| October 27 | Iskander Mirza was driven out and Ayub Khan usurped the power. |
| 1959 May 8 | Capt. Mansur Ali, a former Commerce and Industries Miniter of East Pakistan, was arrested on charges of corruption. |
| 1960 September 12 | Mujibur Rahman convicted in Dacca on a charge of criminal misconduct and sentenced to two years’ simple imprisonment. |
| 1961 September 24 | Suhrawardy demanded that democracy should be restored. |
| 1962 January | Suhrawardy was arrested under Public Safety Act. |
| February 2 | Anti-Ayub demonstration before Press Club. |
| February 6 & 7 | Insurgent students and people clashed with armed forces. One was killed. |
| June 9 | Martial Law was lifted. Ayub’s basic deomcracy constitution was imposed. |
| September 17 | Province-wide strike against Education Commission Report and Hamoodur Rahman Report. |
| 1965 September 6 | Indo-Pak conflict. |
| 1966 February 4 | Mujibur Rahman presented his Six-Point Programme in Pakistan National Conference at Lahore with Mr. A. Malek, Advocate in the chair. |
| April 21 | Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested in Dacca on specific charges and he was bailed out. |
| May 9 | Sheikh Mujib again was arrested under Defence of Pakistan Rules. |
| June 7 | Strike in support of 6-Point Programme. 19 persons were killed in Dacca, Narayanganj in police firing. |
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| 1967 April 27 | Sheikh Mujibur Rahman sentenced to 15 months’ simple imprisonment for making a prejudicial speech. |
| June | Rabindra Sangeet, In Pakistan Radio was banned. Scholars, intellectuals, writers, poet, students, teachers all revolted against such order. |
| 1968 January 5 | Students of Dacca University organised an exhibition to highlight the disparities between East and West Pakistan. |
| January 6 | Twenty eight persons including some junior army officers were arrested for allegedly trying to bring about secession of East Bengal. ‘Agartala Conspiracy Case’ was initiated. |
| January 18 | Shiekh Mujibur Rahman was arrested and implicated in ‘Agartala Conspiracy Case’. |
| December 6 | Anti-Repression Day was observed. Moulana Bhasani started his ‘Gherao’ (Surround) Movement. Police lathi-charged the procession. Moulana declared the 7th December as Anti-Ayub Demonstration Day. |
| December 7 | Anti-Ayub Demonstration in Dacca, Chittagong, Jessore and other cities of East Bengal. Police resorted to firing. Many peole were killed. 500 persons were arrested. |
| December 14 | Police firing in Chittagong. Many were killed. |
| 1969 January 2 | National Awami Party under the leadership of Moulana Bhasani declared the boycott of Election on the basis of Basic Democracy. |
| January 6 | 11-Point Programme was published in news papers. |
| January 8 | Democratic Action Committee was formed in Hotel Inter-Continental, Dacca. |
| January 17 | Students’ Action Committiee observed strike. Prohibitive order u/s 144 Cr.P.C. was defied by Dacca students. |
| January 20 | Clash between armed forces and University students in Dacca, Asad received bullet injury and died. |
| January 28 & 29 | Province-wide arrests under Defence of Pakistan Rules. |
| February 9 | Oath-taking Day of Students’ Action Committee. |
| February 11 | All Political prisoners were released excepting ‘Agartala Conspiracy Case’ prisoners’. |
| February 14 | Province-wide strike. DAC leaders harassed in Dacca Stadium by People. 11-Point Programme was upheld by people. |
| February 18 | Dr. Shamsuzzoha, Reader, Rajshahi University was killed by Pak Military Captain. Many other teachers and students were injured in army firing. |
| February 19 | Segt. Juharul Huq killed in Dacca Cantonment. |
| February 22 | ‘Agartala Conspiracy Case’ was withdrawn. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib and other accused persons of ‘Agartala Conspiracy Case’ were released. |
| February 26 | Inaugural Session of the Round Table Conference. |
| March 4 | Curfew defied in Bogra. |
| March 10 | Second session of the Round Table Conference took place. |
| March 13 | Round Table Conference concluded. Sheikh Mujib severed connection with DAC. DAC dissolved. |
| March 17 | Moulana Bhasani was assulted in Shahiwal Station by Jamaat-e-Islami Workers. |
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| March 25 | Yahea Khan proclaimed Martial Law. |
| March 30 | Moulana Bhasani, the National Awami Party Chief, demands a National Govrenment. |
| April 10 | General Yahea Khan promised election. |
| November 28 | Yahea Khan fixed October 5, 1970 for elections to the National Assembly. |
| 1970 January 1 | Ban was lifted on activities of Political Parties. |
| April 1 | Yahea Khan orders dissolution of one unit of West Pakistan. |
| September 2 | The date of elections was shifted to December 7 in view of the flood in East Pakistan. |
| November 12 | Tornado and tidal bore devastated the Southern Bengal. Lakhs of people died. |
| November 18 | Moulana Bhasani boycotted elections. |
| November 26 | Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib in a press conference severely criticized the Central Government for its wilful negligence towards the cyclone victims. |
| December 7 | Elections to the National Aseembly held. The Awami League emerged as Single Party majority. |
| December 9 | Mujibur Rahman demanded that the constitution should be based on 6-Point Programme. |
| December 10 | Moulana Bhasani calls for an independent and sovereign Bengal. |
| December 12 | Three more East Pakistani parties join in the independence demand. |
| 1971 January 3 | Oath-taking ceremony of the Awami League in Dacca Race Course before millions of people. |
| January 14 | General Yahea Khan referred to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as Pakistan’s future Prime Minister. |
| January 27 | Talks between Sheikh Mujib and Bhutto. |
| February 13 | General Yahea Khan fixed March 3 for the inaugural of National Assembly Sessoin in Dacca. |
| February 15 | Bhutto threatened to boycott National Assembly Session. |
| February 16 | Office-bearers of the Awami League Central Parliamentary Party were elected.
Leader : Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Dy. Leader : Mr. Syed Nazrul Islam. Secy. : Mr. A.H. Kamruzzaman. Chief Whip : Prof. Yusuf Ali. Whip : Mr. A. Mannan. Whip : Mr. Amirul Islam. |
| February 18 | Sheikh declared that in the name of Islam Bengali Culture should not be liquidated. |
| February 21 | Yahea Khan dissolved his cabinet. |
| February 28 | Bhutto demanded the postponement of the National Assembly Session. |
| March 1 | Yahea Khan postponed the National Assembly Session and sacked the East Pakistan Governor, Vice-Admiral S.M. Ahsan—Mujibur Rahman called general strikes in Dacca on March 2 and throughout the province on March 3. |
| March 2 | General strike in Dacca. City paralysed. |
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| March 3 | Non-violent Non-co-operation Movement started. Province-wide general strike—Government paralysed. The atrocity of the Pak military started at 11 a.m.
Mr. A. Mannan M.N.A. was ruthleely beaten by army at the junction of Outer Circular Road and Elephent Road for defying the order of the army to remove barricade. At 11-30 a.m. Farooque Iqbal, Secretary, Mog Bazar Gifery College, was killed by army. The Sheikh rejected Yahea’s proposal for a Round Table Talk. |
| March 5 | Hundreds of people killed in army action. |
| March 6 | Yahea announced National Assembly Session on March 25. |
| March 7 | Mujibur Rahman addressed the people in Ramna Race Course, put forward his four-point demands as precondition to his attending the National Assembly Session. |
| March 8 | The Civil disobedience Movement was launched. All government officials—Central, Provincial and Police department declared their allegiance to Shekih Mujib. |
| March 9 | East Pakistan judges refused to administer oath in office to Lt. General Tikka Khan. Moulana Bhasani supported Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. |
| March 14 | The Central Government issued an ultimatum asking workers to return to work by March 15. |
| March 15 | Mujibur Rahman took up the administration of Bengal in his own hands, issued 35 directives to the Bengalees. Yahea Khan arrived in Dacca. |
| March 16 | Constitutional talks between Yahea-Mujib began. |
| March 21 | Bhutto arrived in Dacca. |
| March 22 | Yahea again postponed Assembly Session. |
| March 23 | Students hoisted flag of independent Bengal. |
| March 24 | M.M. Ahmed—Yahea’s advisor placed his amendment on draft constitution. |
| March 25 | Yahea, Bhutto and others left for Rawalpindi. Pakistan army attacked Bangla Desh. |
| March 26 | Ten freedom fighters occupied Chittagong Radio Station. Tikka Khan’s broacast was stopped. Sheikh Mujib’s declaration was broadcast. |
| March 30 | Pakistani Air Force bombed Bogra, Chittagong, Rajshahi, Bhairab, Narshindi and other places. |
| April 3 | Swadhin Bangla Desh Radio started operating. |
| April 10 | The Proclamation of Independence was issued. Simultaneously a cabinet was announced. |
| April 17 | The Cabinet made its first public appearance in Mujibnagar. |
| December 6 | Recognition of Bangla Desh Government by the Government of India. |
ooo
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APPENDIX :
WORLD COMMENTS ON BANGLA DESH
“West Pakistan will never be trusted, and the war for Bengali independence will be a reality from now on whatever the outcome of the current show of force.”
(The Washington Post, March 28, 1971)
“The Pakistani Army is using artillery and heavy machine-guns against unarmed East Pakistani civilians to crush the movement for autonomy in this province of 75 million people….”
“Some fires were still burning and sporadic shooting was continuing early this morning when the 35 foreign newsmen were expelled from Dacca.
‘My God my God,’ said a Pakistani student watching from a hotel window, trying to keep back tears. ‘They are slaughtering them.’”
(Despatch by Sydney H. Schanberg in the New York Times, March 28, 1971)
“A military oppression cannot solve the problem. Anybody can see that the East Pakistanis’ demand for self-determination and freedom from poverty will not be crushed by guns and swords.”
(Editorial, the Mainichi Daily News, Tokyo, March 28, 1971)
“Pakistani troops appeared to have inflicted a heavy toll on Bengali civilians……..The intensity of gunfire that raged all night and continued sporadically throughout Friday made it seem likely that the death toll in the city ran into several hundreds. Troops demolished barricades with rockets and tanks, set buildings on fire and….fired sub-machineguns from jeeps into the windows of the houses in broad daylight.”
(The Times, London, March 29, 1971)
“The extent of death and destruction in Dacca was obvious : Students dead in their bed, butchers in the markets killed behind their stalls, women and children burned to death in their houses, Pakistanis of Hindu religion shot en masse, bazaars and shopping areas razed by fire.”
(Chicago Sun-Times, March 30, 1971)
“The civil war that broke out in East Pakistan last Thursday abounds in tragic irony.”….
….many deaths, and how much destruction must take place before they achieve their independence.”
(Paper entitled “History of Economic and Political domination of East Pakistan” by the Ripon Society of the Harvard University)
“The actions of the army are nothing but crude arbitrariness and violence that cause most serious concern to the Soviet people.”
(Article in the Komsomolskaya Pravada, Moscow, April 2, 1971)
“Pak troops killed prominent leaders of Sylhet and other towns. Pakistani troops are continuing to search out leading professors, journalists, lawyers and other intellectuals and killing them. The houses of the intellectuals are being demolished and their relations put to death.”
(Statesman, April 2, 1971)
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A British housewife flown out of Bengal, described Dacca as a city of mass graves. “I saw mass graves on both sides of the road as we were driven to the airport.” She told of seeing “decomposed bodies strewn all over the streets in Dacca and on the way to the airport, mostly of women and children”. When she asked a Pakistani Air Force officer why children had to be massacred, the reply was that it was “better to kill them because otherwise they will grow up into anti-Pakistanis”.
(Indian Express, April 3, 1971)
“Backed by armoured cars, a column of Pakistani troops swept out of their cantonment through the outskirts of the town nights ago to destroy rows of peasant homes and shoot down everything that moved. Whole families were machine-gunned as they fled from their burning huts. Others bodies, lying in fields and ditches, showed evidence of bayonet grabbing.”
(Indian Express, April 3, 1971)
‘ “Dacca is a death house. I saw so much that I won’t be able to sleep years.’”
(Despatch from Alwyne Taylor published in the Daily Mail, London, April 3, 1971, captioned “The ‘Death House’ of Dacca”)
“I asked a Pakistani Air Force officer why they had to kill children.” He replied : “If you leave the child an orphan, he will grow up to be this West Pakistan. That’s the best way to curb revenge,” he said.
(The Daily Telegraph, London, April 3, 1971)
“An appalling tragedy is taking place in East Pakistan about which the world remains ignorant because West Pakistani authorities have cynically expelled foreign journalists. It would appear that only in this way may their soldiers kill in peace…..
“We cannot sit with our hands foldede as a generation of leaders in East Pakistan may be on the way to final destruction.”
(Statement by Senator Harris in the U.S. Senate on April 5, 1971)
“The outcome is likely to be the final breakup of East and West Pakistan and the painful birth of a new nation nemed Bangla Desh.”
(Time, April 5, 1971)
“Washington’s persistent silent on recent events in Pakistan becomes increasingly incomprehensible in the light of mounting eye-witness evidence that the Pakistan army has engaged in indiscriminate slaughter of civilians.
….“The United States would have a humanitarian duty to speak out against the bloodbath in Bengal…”
(Editorial in the New York Times, April 7, 1971 : “Bloodbath in Bengal”)
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“Bengalis were being killed in their thousands. The Army was rounding up people and machinnegunning them…they were shot from behind like dogs.”
(The Evening Standard, London, April 8, 1971)
“The widespread bloodshed which has drowned the Bangla Desh (East Pakistan) is being interpreted as an outcome of the surging wave of revolution which is fast engulfing the whole of South-East Asia. This is not an internal affair of Pakistan. The process of the emergence of an independent Bangla Desh is no more a matter of imagination.”
(Comments in the Nepalese journal Arpan weekly, April 9, 1971, captioned “Bangla Desh People’s Revlution in S.E. Asia”)
“Apparently relations between West and East Pakistan are of the colonial type. The two wings have nothing in common but religion. East Pakistanis are fighting a national liberation war against Pakistani colonialilsts…”
(Ali Sirmen in the Turkish paper, Aksham, April 13, 1971)
“The East Pakistanis no longer wish to be referred to as Pakistanis, but prefer to be called the Bengalis, because Pakistanis to them now are troops who kill their people without mercy.”
(Editorial in the Djakarta Times, April 15, captioned “The Complex Problem of East Pakistan.”)
“When peace is threatened on such a massive scale, the United Nations has an overriding obligation to do everything possible to settle the conflic before it gets out of control. This obligation is particularly clear, when the ‘internal problem’ is created by the efforts of a well armed minority to subdue the overwhelming majority constituting more than one half of a divided country separated by more than 1000 miles of alien territory speaking different languages and with deep built-in cultural conflicts and differing economic interest.”
(Aritcle entitled “Pakistan’s made-in-USA arms” by Chester Bowles in the New York Times, April 18, 1971)
“A similar wave of atrocities was reported by the Americans who had then in Dacca. As soon as the curfew was lifted, they said, at least a half-dozen Americans were met by nearly hysterical Bengali friends who had of a massacre at Dacca University. When three young Americans agreed to investigate the story, they found a staircase in a faculty building scattered with the blood shed when five teachers were dragged out and sadly mowed down by gunfire.”
(Newsweek, April 19, 1971, article “Pakistan : Reign of Terror”)
“On orders from the Islamabad high command, troops systematically opened down students, engineers, doctors and any other persons with a partial for leadership, whether they were nationalists or not.”
(Newsweek, April 26, 1971, article captioned “Pakistani Vultures and Wild Dogs”)
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“Henceforth the country must be regarded as a paritcularly brutal and sensitive military dictatorship, its elected political leadership in prison, its a city party obliterated by decree. But unity can never come through or, and is not worth the price of innocent lives. East Pakistan survives just only as occupied and exploited territory, living proof of every Bengali one of the years….
The fate of Dacca is an arrogant crime against humanity and human captions : No one should stand mealy-mouthed by.”
(Editorial in the Guardian, London April 30, 1971 : “A Massacre in Pakistan”)
“Seventyfive million people cannot be suppressed by force…The blood, being shed now, seals definitely the partition of the ‘Islam Republic of Pakistani’ and the creation of an independent state of the Bengalis.”
(The Bund, Swiss Daily, April 30, 1971)
“Mr. Peter Shore, Labour MP for Stepney, last night accused the Pakistan Governement of murdering a democracy at birth, and called on Britain to withdraw all economic and military aid to West Pakistan.”
“Mr. Shore, former Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, told a meeting in London that the Pakistan Government’s action in East Bengal was ‘an outrage, an act of savage and deliberate repression that it would be shameful to ignore.’ ”
(Report in the Scotsman, May 3, 1971, under the caption “End of aid to West Pakistan demanded”)
“I should remind my colleagues that during the negotiations preceding the military blitz of March 25, the demand of the East Bengalis was not independence but autonomy or self-rule in domestic matters, such as police and para-military forces, trade and commerce, taxation and economic investment, and the like. Behind the smokescreen of these negotiations, the strength of the largely Punjabi West Pakistan army was increased and its full force was unleashed on unarmed Bengalis in a manner and on a scale which Dr. Rohde and many other eye-witnesses have described as a veritable bloodbath, mass slaughter and genocide.”
(American Senator Saxbe’s speech on the Senate Floor, May 11, 1971)
“Ordinarily military interest in education would be of no concern to Pakistani University students and faculty. But on the night of March 25 the army smashed student resistance at Dacca University. Between 100 and 500 students, depending on whose testimony is accepted, were killed.”
“Soldiers went on the hunt for certain professors and students who were believed to have incited students opposition to the Governement. Homes were smashed open and entire families were shot to death.”
“The number of teachers killed was reliably reported as 14. They included Dr. G.C. Dev described by colleagues as a gentle old Hindu scholar whose work has been highly regarded in the United States.”
“In numbers the killings were insignificant compared with the other great events.”
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“Thousands, possibly hundreds of thousands of people have been killed. And some killing and destruction continue.”
“For instance the army has ordered all houses cleared near rail tracks starting in Dacca and continuing 90 miles north to Mymensingh. An estimated 30,000 families have been forced to tear down their houses brick by brick and have joined the tide of homeless.”
“The army, mainly West Pakistanis, is a force besieged in an alien and hostile country and faces sniping and sabotage. By clearing housing from the railway right-of-way it believes these problems will be reduced.”
(Despatech in the New York Times, May 13, 1971 by Malcolm W. Browne)
“It is undoubtedly true that a whole people are being deliberately destroyed. They are being driven out of their country and the terrorising tactics being adopted can have only one possible outcome, and that is the ultimate independence of Bangla Desh.”
(Bruce Douglas-Mann in the House of Commons on June 9, 1971)
“A new campaign of terror has been unleashed in Bangla Desh, killing teachers, journalists, writers, magistrates, doctors, Hindus and Awami Leaguers. Gestapo-like activities are rampant; this is chiefly the work of the Razakars—a group of armed Biharis and armed forces personnel—who carry on, with the tacit approval of senior officers, extortion, kidnapping of girls, raping, prostitution and other forms of related activities. In Agrabad Chittagong such a prostitution camp is run—the object being to provide girls for officers and during parties.
“Army intelligence has prepared a list of suspects. They are classified as white, grey and black. The whited are to be let loose, the greys fined and/or imprisoned and the blacks shot dead. Many suspects are arrested openly or called to the Cantonment for interrogation—then they are never heard of again. Many examples of such cases may be cited.”
(Sunday Times, London, June 20, 1971)
“That this House believes that the widespread murder of civilians and the atrocities on a massive scale by the Pakistan Army in East Bengal, contrary to the United Nations Convention on Genocide signed by Pakistan itself, confirms that the military Government of Pakistan has forfeited all rights to rule East Bengal following its wanton refusal to accept the democratic will of the people expressed in the election of December 1970 : therefore believes that the United Nations Security Council must be called urgently to consider the situation both as a threat to international peace and its a contravention of the Genocide Convention : And further believese that until order is restored under United Nations supervision the provisional Government of Bangla Desh should be recognised as the vehicle for the expression of self-determination by the people of East Bengal.”
(Over 200 members of the British Parliament including 11 Privy Councillors and over 30 former Ministers signed the above motion table in June 1971 accusing West Pakistan army of being guilty of genocide.)
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“I am certain that the Pakistan troops have raped girls repeatedly then killed them by pushing their bayonets up between their legs.”
(Tony Clifton of Newsweek, June 28, 1971)
“We must demonstrate to the Generals of West Pakistan and to the people of the world that the United States has a deep and abiding revulsion of the monumental slaughter that has ravaged East Bengal.”
(Edward Kennedy, August 26, 1971)
“To-day the war in Bangla Desh had become a war on India.”
(Mrs Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India on December 4, 1971)
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