THE HINDU felt the two greatest of all obstacles to good government in the country were the professional administrator and the adventurer. THE HINDU: “Among their ranks have been many men, good and true. The majority of them, however, are unsympathetic and unjust, enemies to reform and progress, staunch advocates of the perpetuation of injustice to the people of this country. They live in the land no doubt, but apart from its people”.
JANUARY 23, 1884
Roar or reason?
BRITISH ADMINISTRATION IN INDIA IS PASSING AT PRESENT through a transition stage. This is the first critical period of the post-mutiny era when our English rulers have to take note of changed times and to shape their policy in consonance with the new circumstances that have arisen. Whether the country prospers or not, whether the administration rises or declines in popularity, whether the institutions of the land become national, native and natural or remain foreign, exotic, unsuited and without the elements of stability and permanence, whether British rule itself is to stand or fall, all will depend upon the foresight, wisdom and tact which are displayed in understanding and dealing with the new facts and phenomena which meet the eye everywhere and which he who runs may read. The mutiny marked the close of the era of repression and annexation, of the age when the fell crew of the now historical English “nabobs” hovered over the land feeding on its entrails and sinews, when blunder and plunder formed the prominent characteristics of Anglo-Indian administration. That dreadful and ever memorable event opened the eyes of the English people to the condition of Indian affairs. English statesmen realised the gravity of the situation and rose to the occasion. And the result was that the Company ceased to be, the dark age of British rule passed away, and the gracious proclamation of Her Majesty inaugurated the dawn of a progressive and prosperous time for this country. A generation has nearly passed since then, and the interval that has elapsed has been in many respects marked by events and features of progress in the history of our country that have been a marvel to the civilised world. The future of the land, the future of English dominion in it, the making or marring of reputations, all depend on the measure of recognition and appreciation which the situation receives from the statesmen who represent in this country Her Majesty and the great English people. In these after-mutiny years the Viceregal throne has been filled by several great and worthy statesmen who have shown themselves by words and by deeds fully alive to the exigencies of progress. Lord Lawrence himself, one who had been brought up in his early days in the traditions of bureaucracy, outlived them by the force of his character and his genius and in many ways contributed to the improvement of the administration. He enunciated the great principles on which it should be conducted and with the prophetic eye of a statesman anticipated several of the measures, the adoption of which circumstances would soon force on the rulers. Lord Mayo was his worthy successor. During his short tenure of office reformation was at its flood-tide. And, had life been spared him, he might have rendered substantial services to the people of this country. Lord Northbrook’s lot was cast in evil times; he was continually hampered and harassed by an unsympathetic and stupid conservatism at headquarters. And, lastly, we have had, and still have in our midst, the greatest of England’s proconsuls, the foremost of our Viceroys, the great apostle of justice to India, Lord Ripon. While cordially recognising how far the cause of progress has been furthered by these great and good men, we cannot but feel how much evil has been done, how much good has had to be left undone, by the operation of the two greatest of all obstacles to good government in this country, the professional administrator and the adventurer. Among their ranks have been many men, good and true. The majority of them, however, are unsympathetic and unjust, enemies to reform and progress, staunch advocates of the perpetuation of injustice to the people of this country. They are birds of passage. They have no interest in the future of this country. They live in the land, no doubt, but apart from its people. Originally attracted to its distant shores by the lust of wealth, the one guiding principle of all their acts, the ruling passion of their lives here, is, by hook or by crook, to make as much money as they can, to enjoy as much privilege as they can, to wield as much power as they can. Each of these classes forms of itself a vested body: the ranks of each are kept close and unbroken, subject to no invasion and no curtailment of prerogative. And the result is that they stand by each other at all times and at all hazards. Governors and Viceroys come and go, but these remain a good life-time in this country and life is to them one continued round of pleasure, pastime, privilege, prestige and power. The official class occupies all positions of influence and emolument, they give judicial decisions with all the wisdom and authority of the Delphic oracle, they settle the revenue of the State, they are extensive dispensers of patronage; and all these advantages of their position go to invest them with a halo of glory in the eyes of the people and naturally lead to the plentiful burning of incense before them. It is no wonder that as the flames of incense rise before them, they are disposed somewhat to indulge in the pleasant dreams of fancy, that they think themselves equal to any task and believe nothing to be beyond their accomplishment. Sir Henry Durand, late of Indian celebrity, is said to have written on one occasion: “I maintain I could invent a dozen different philosophical systems, all of them starting from points that would entitle them to a respectful investigation.” What self-assertion, what extravagant bumptiousness! What a melancholy exhibition of ignorance and folly, mingled with presumption! And still we cannot say how many there are in the ranks of Indian officialdom who will out-Durand Durand himself. And intimately associated with the official class by many ties of kinship, blood, matrimony, association, friendship, is the non-official community who hold numerous positions of influence as members of Municipalities and of Local Fund Boards, as honorary Magistrates, as Justices of the Peace, etc. The very fact that they move in relations of close intimacy with the leading European officials often goes to vest them with an adventitious importance in the eyes of a subject and powerless people. Thus many circumstances co-exist and co-operate to induce officials and non-officials to make common cause whenever any crisis arrives in the administration of affairs. Each class is in itself a stronghold of influence, powerful for mischief, with a mighty organisation and extensive resources, capable of offering a bold and united front to every possible enemy, from whatever quarter, often fighting under the same shibboleths and party cries. And united they form a compact, impenetrable, and decisive opposition to all constitutional government in this country. Whenever, therefore, any measure is initiated which will curtail any of the privileges which they severally or in common enjoy at present, or will augment the privileges and power of the subject race and thereby lead them nearer even by a step to the establishment, however distant, of the equality of all races before the law, they raise a hubbub and a tumult, often knit together in solemn though secret, compact, almost always brought into conjunction by common interests. And then they rarely listen to the voice of reason. They find it prejudicial to their interests to take note of passing events and the circumstances of the hour, to observe the changes taking place in their surrounding, the advance in enlightenment of the people among whom they live. All they care is to raise their voice and roar as loudly as they can, against the carrying out of reforms. They have tried the tactics of roaring and rattling on more than one occasion. Such tactics have so far fortunately not succeeded; the tide of progress in this country has been too powerful for them and has overborne in its resistless sweep all obstruction and all obstacle. But still, Mrs. Partington-like, they never cease to use their mop of opposition against the Atlantic waves of reform. Lord Ripon’s policy in India has been the mark against which they have directed their incessant attacks. Against the policy of the Ilbert Bill, the official class sent forth a very powerful and numerous contingent to cooperate with the solid and serried ranks of the non-official community. Against the policy of self-government which has been devised by our noble Viceroy, to lessen the influence of the Indian official protests have gone forth from the non-official community. Witness, for example, the speech of Mr. Keswick at the now famous St. Andrew’s dinner at Calcutta. Thus the greatest obstacles of progress in India are the professional functionary and the mercantile adventurer. Well, we ask, what is to guide the policy of responsible rulers like Lord Ripon, charged by the mandate of the English people and the gracious Queen Empress with the task of governing the affairs of this vast and diversified community, with the extensive and valuable interests to safeguard and to advance? The voices of reason and of truth and the calls of duty imperatively clamour for justice to the people of this country, who have no voice or choice in its affairs. The roars of interested opposition clamour, on the other hand, violently and virulently for the perpetuation of injustice as the history of the past two years has unmistakably proved. Well, the future equally of the Indian people and of British dominion lies in the choice between the two. Viewed in the light of the above considerations, the now notorious Concordat fills and ought to fill, every thinking mind with gloomy forebodings, with apprehension and dismay. That an irresponsible body of men should dictate the policy of a civilised and responsible Government is without parallel even in the history of this country. There is likely to be no serious harm done to the vital interests of the people of this country so long as there is a strong man like Lord Ripon at the helm. But how sad the precedent will be with a weak-minded parasite on the Viceregal throne, it is dreadful to contemplate. Once more, then, the question recurs to us what is to guide the policy of our rulers, “the harebrained chatter of irresponsible frivolity”, or the holy voice of truth and righteousness?
Reference:
The First 100
A Selection of Editorials, 1878-1978, THE HINDU, VOLUME I