‘ষ্টেট ল্যাঙ্গুয়েজ’ ও ‘অফিসিয়াল ল্যাঙ্গুয়েজ’ নিয়ে বঙ্গবন্ধুর বিস্তারিত ভাষণ
২১ জানুয়ারি ১৯৫৬
করাচী
The constituent assembly of Pakistan:
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: Now, sir, about Islamic language. What is the language of Islam, Sir, Arabic, Urdu. Persian or Bengali. What is the language of the Mussalmans, who will judge it? My friend says Urdu. I would say Bengali. Persians will say Persian. Turks will say Turkish. Indonesians will say Indonesian. Other people will say their own language. Sir, why this vague thing. What is this draft? Two official languages? And the provincial Government and Central Government will try to make a national language. Here is provision for official language and here is provision for national language.
One of my honourable friend, a member of this House, who is the Foreign Minister, told in Dacca that this means State language. Then, why there is still need for national language. He says “official language” means national language. He wants to bluff the people of East Bengal and the people of West Pakistan.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: Official language does not mean State language. Official language means official language. If that is not so, why there is this provision about national language in Article 31, which reads: “It shall be the duty of the Federal and provincial Governments to take all possible measures for the development and growth of a national language”. What is national language and what is official language, is it not a bluff, Sir? You have recognized two languages but Article 31 talks of development of a national language. Sir. You know the whole history. West Pakistan is not against Bengali becoming State language. I have visited Lahore, I have gone to people in Karachi, in Peshawar and Rawalpindi and I find that people as a whole are not against Bengali becoming State language because the people or East Bengal do not claim that there will be only one State language and that will be Bengali. They do so because they know in Punjab they speak Punjabi language but Urdu is the medium of instruction and so is the case in Frontier, where their language is Pushto but the medium of instruction is Urdu and so in Sind, the language is Sindhi but medium of instruction is Urdu. Urdu-speaking people in Pakistan are less than Punjabi-speaking people but most of the people in West Pakistan receive instruction is Urdu. We have told that people of East Bengal are not sectarian. Do not say that. Never have they declared that they want only one State language, that is Bengali, although they are 56 per cent in the country and their medium of instruction is Bengali. They have asked for two State languages for Pakistan. They have sacrificed blood for this. Everybody whether Minister or Prime Minister who has been elected from East Bengal, has promised that he will make Bengali as one of the State language. Now, They want to go back on this for six ministerships. How long will you continue as Ministers? The history of Pakistan and the world is there. So many Ministers have come and gone. Mohammad Ali Bogra has gone to Washington. Nazimuddin is gone and living at Clifton, so is Ghulam Mohammad living at Clifton. Power is nobody’s monopoly. Power may come and power may go but the people will continue, the country will continue.
Sir, I want to draw your attention to the fact that general people in West Pakistan are not against Bengali being declared as one of the State languages of Pakistan. It is only the ruling junta that wants to show to the world that the people here are not agreeable to Bengali to be declared as the state language with Urdu and this they are doing to meet their own selfish ends. The United Front people have betrayed the people of East Pakistan and they have betrayed their electorates. Sir, you must have noticed that even in the Passport, Urdu has been used along with English. I ask who has allowed that to be done and if that was allowed, Why not there also appeared Bengali as well. I ask this question: Why have you used Urdu When it has not been declared as the state language of Pakistan. Then, Sir, in the Defence Services also the training is imparted in Urdu and English. There also Bengali has been neglected.
(The Honourable Mr. Hamidul Huq Choudhury: As soon as the Constitution is passed, Bengali will be included.)
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: That is a very happy thing for me to note. But at present, the training in the Defence Forces is imparted in Urdu and English. Who is responsible for all this discriminatory treatment with Bengali. Or is it being done under the direction of the Government or the Constituent Assembly has declared Urdu to be the only State language of Pakistan. I want that our young men and boys should receive their training in Urdu, Bengali and English, in all the three languages. As I told you, our West Pakistani brethren are not against Bengali, but the ruling junta, the ruling clique will not allow that to happen; that is the unfortunate part of the whole thing. After all what is the harm if Bengali is also included? If we do not know Urdu, we should learn Urdu and if they do not know Bengali, they should learn Bengali and in this way harmonious relations between the two wings of Pakistan can be brought about. Of course, they have included it in the Constitution, but there again they are not doing anything practical to show that really they are having Bengali as the State language of Pakistan. They should know that they cannot bluff the general masses any more and that they have to frame the Constitution in the interest of the country and for the general well-being of the masses and not only for the benefit of the ruling junta.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: Now, Sir, they have declared Pakistan a democratic country. May I ask what is the meaning of “democracy”? A parliamentary form of government, in the name of Islam. no doubt. They are giving wide powers to the President – in fact they have given all powers to the President. Sir, we have experience of Moghul dynasty; we know about the Pathan dynasty. But, now let them create another dynasty known as the Choudhury dynasty in Pakistan. The present Prime Minister is a Choudhury and a dynasty should be created in his name because a Constitution will be framed during his tenure of office. Though you will be having a parliamentary from of government, yet you have given the power of dissolution to the Head of the State, which is against and quite contrary to democratic principles.
… I was speaking about the dynasty. We Muslims have been governed in the past by these dynasties and we are also fit to be governed by them like that and it is, therefore, that I say let there be yet another dynasty known as the Choudhury dynasty. And, this they are creating by giving full power, wide powers to the President to dissolve the Assembly. The President has got to be elected indirectly-elected by the Central Legislature along with the Provincial Legislatures, but he can dissolve the directly-elected Parliament. That is the power that they have vested in him, He can dismiss Ministers he can suspend the Constitution by declaring emergency ….
Honourable Deputy Speaker: All these points have been made by Mr. Abul Mansur Ahmad.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: These are new points: Points about the new dynasty. My friend, Mr. Abul Mansur Ahmad has given his ideas in a philosophical way. I am not a philosopher, nor am I a good lawyear and therefore I am putting all these things in a direct way. I am a direct man myself.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: My point is that by giving such wide powers to the President, they have virtually created a dynasty. If you permit me, I can read out the whole section to you. They have given power to one man-a person who is not directly elected. The Head of the State can dissolve an elected Parliament though he himself is elected indirectly. He will nominate Chief Minister and the Cabinet who will function according to his advice and during his pleasure. He will not act on the advice of the Cabinet that is the whole point. So, I say that this is quite contrary to democratic principles. Under the democratic Constitution, the Head of the State is only a figurehead, but unfortunately in Pakistan it is not so. Sir, this word “dismissal” is a sore word in Pakistan. I want that this word “dismissal” is got rid of the sooner the better it is. In Pakistan we hear of so many dismissals. Rather the history is replete with dismissals. You see one day Mr. Feroze khan Noon dismissed; next day Mr. Fazlul Haq dismissed and yet another day Mr. Mohammed Ali dismissed and God alone knows when our Present Prime Minister will be dismissed. What is this all? There is no stability at all. Are we living in Saudi Arabia or in Pakistan where people can be dismissed?
(Mr. Abdul Aleem: I say, you were also dismissed.)
Sheik Mujibur Rahman: Yes, I was also dismissed and put into jail. I was a Minister in the East Bengal Cabinet; I was dismissed and from Government House I was sent straight to the Central jail. I am very happy for that. So, Sir, that is about dismissals. This dismissal business must stop forthwith. This dismissal business is very dangerous in Pakistan.
Now, I come to the question of electorates, Sir, nowhere in any Constitution in the world, you will find that they have provided for electorates in it except perhaps in the case of South Africa where they have two races, the privileged class and the unprivileged class. They have in South Africa, Indians, Pakistanis and the Africans. But in Pakistan an there is no such difference. But they have deliberately left this provision untouched in the Constitution. Why have they done so? They want to deceive the minority community living in Pakistan. Sir, I recently had been to East Bengal and there I had the chance of discussing the Constitution with the masses in general. There, the people want joint electorates, but they are helpless. They cannot raise their feeble voice against the Centre and if they dare to do that, the next day the Ministry of Mr. Abu Hussain Sarkar will fall. I fail to understand why they do not want to give joint electorate to the people when they are themselves asking for it. Nowhere in the world, there are separate electorates excepting in South Africa where they have got two classes, the privileged class and the unprivileged class. Here in spite of the persistent demand by the minority for joint electorates, you are not agreeable to it. What is this all? Is it democracy or what that you are denying the right to the people to exercise their own free-will. I say they had not the moral courage to put down in writing that there shall be joint electorate or separate electorate. They have not the courage to face the masses and therefore they want to hoodwink them. I know the views of the people in Bengal over this Constitution. I had been to Dacca recently.
My friends cannot dare do face the people of East Bengal. Though Mr. Fazlul Huq is considered to be a most popular man, he could not address the public meeting the other day at Dacca. Nobody could hear him, with the result that Mr. Fazlul Huq had to leave the place under the protection of Armed police.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: They have absolutely neglected the people of East Bengal in every respect. The people of East Bengal are at one on the question of joint electorate excepting a few Moulanas. Our Moulanas gave fatwa against the joint electorate. They want separate electorate. But you know. Sir, that many of our Moulanas have come in this House on the basis of joint electorate. Moulana Athar Ali is the Member of this Honourable House. In East Bengal, Hindus and Muslims had jointly voted and Moulana Sahib was elected to this House. But they say that the system of joint electorate is un-Islamic. They have raised the question of jaiz and na-jaiz on this issue. Sir, this question of jaiz and na-jaiz is very dangerous because for the last eight years of the existence of Pakistan we have been voting jointly in every election of Municipality. District or Union Board, etc. Here also in the election of the Municipal Corporation of Karachi the people voted jointly but nobody objected then, or no Moulana raised the question of its character being un-Islamic. What has happened to the recent election to the interim West Pakistan Legislature? Why did they not raise a voice that this election was unIslamic? Sir, Mr. Khuhro was returned and saved because of the votes of the Hindus. It is because of the system of joint electorate that he got himself returned. Now, Sir, you have seen that during all these years we have had joint electorate but now they say that if you ask for joint electorate, you are acting against Islam; you are going against Quran and Sunnah. If it is accepted, we will go to hell. So, they say to ask for a joint electorate, it is a sin or a crime. Sir, if it is a sin or a crime then how we would be pardoned by God for combatting crimes for eight long years by voting in our elections jointly. Our fathers and grand-fathers voted jointly and perhaps for this reason they are shudder to think how Allah will pardon them living in the hell. I shudder to think how Allah will because for years and years together they voted jointly in the elections of Municipalities, District and Union Boards. Moulanas have been giving this fatwa. They are crying hoarse the joint electorate is anti-Islamic. According to their fatwa. Sir the Muslims all the world over are kafirs because they vote jointly I will justly point out how the Muslims of different countries are voting jointly, and yet they are the true followers of Islam. In India the four crores of Muslims are voting jointly. In Indonesia. The Muslims, Christians, the Chinese and Budhists, they are all voting jointly. Seven crores of Muslims in Indonesia who are also staunch followers of Islam vote with the Christians and other communities.
In Burma Budhists and Christians vote with Muslims. In Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, and Iran, everywhere the Muslims are giving Joint votes with Christians and Jews, etc., and still they are the true Muslims. You know out of 50 crores of the Muslim population of the world, we have 6 crores of Muslims and if we accept joint electorate, we would be kafirs as all the Muslims are already kafirs according to the argument and fatwa of these Moulanas. Therefore, you have seen, Sir that everywhere Muslims are voting jointly. But if we incorporate Joint electorate in our Constitution, we would be acting against Islam and every Muslim who says La Ilaha-Illal-Lah will be kafir. In East Bengal this sort of fatwa is daily pronounced and lot of money is being spent by the zamindars – money is coming from the backdoor-to launch propaganda in large scale against the joint electorate.
Then, Sir, I come to the question of parity. We accepted parity because, as my Leader has rightly told, we wanted to prove that we the Muslims of both wings of Pakistan are one nation. We accepted this parity between East and West wings because the Muslims of Pakistan are one nation. In our passports for the foreign countries, it is written “Pakistani Christian” “Pakistani Muslim”, “Pakistani Parsi”, “Pakistani Budhist”, we have spent money for that to show that we are Pakistani Muslims, Pakistani Christians, Pakistani Budhists, Pakistani Parsis. So you can understand the position.
Now, Sir, I come to Railways, in this Draft Constitution Bill power has been given to the President who will appoint an authority, I cannot understand what they think about the people of Pakistan. It has been provided in the Draft Constitution Bill, One member will be nominated by the Center.
One by the President, two by the East Bengal Government. Then, Sir, East Bengal Assembly will have no power to discuss their budget and similarly West Pakistan Assembly will have no right to discuss their Railway budget and how its administration is going on. Then it has been provided that if future parliament thinks to take over the control of the Railway from the provincial administration, the Central Government can take it back any time because the emergency provision to this effect has been provided there. They have given absolutely nothing to the provinces. Sir, the Railways, of East Bengal have been absolutely ruined during the last eight years. Sir, What I want to point out is that they have given it to the provincial list. I want to prove it that actually it is not so.
(Honourable Deputy Speaker: Do it at the proper time. I shall allow you at that stage.)
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: At least allow me to point out about the Railway at this stage. I will then go to the regional autonomy and finish my speech. Sir, I will show you how these people have taken our engines from East Bengal: how they have taken our saloons; how they have spent our money.
(Honourable Deputy Speaker: How have they taken these?)
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: By air, by sea, by ship, by steamer. We can come to this side via India. Sir, Railway is a commercial subject. The administration of any subject in East Pakistan from distant Karachi is a well-nigh impossibility. It would be well exemplified from gross mismanagement and bungling that have taken place in the administration of Eastern Bengal Railway during the last eight years.
(Honourable Deputy Speaker: Where are you quoting from?)
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: It is my note. I have to point out many facts and so I have prepared this note. I am not an old Parliamentarian like you and so I cannot speak extempore like you.
I was also not a very good student.
Now, Sir, East Bengal Railway, though a Government enterprise, a purely commercial concern, and a proper accounting is the core of a commercial organization. East Bengal Railway keeps its accounts separate from that of the Government and keeps a separate Accounts Department, only its total receipts and out-goings on revenue accounts month by month, enter into the monthly returns of the Accountant-General of Pakistan Revenues as a separate item. The difference between these incomings and outgoing over a number of years, must necessarily show whether East Pakistan Railway has been a profitable concern. During the last seven years from the 1st April. 1948 to 31st March, 1955 Eastern Bengal Railway has yielded a net profit of Rs. 146 lakhs or 21 lakhs a year. But the management of the Railway maintains that the same cannot be taken as the net profit of the Railway, because it has other expenses, which though not incurred in the past, shall have to be incurred in future and as such Eastern Bengal Railway has been a losing concern. Again, in the profit and loss Accounts of Eastern Bengal Railway in the Appropriation Accounts of Pakistan Railway, Part 11 of 1946-50, Which have been certified by the General Manager, and the Chief Auditor, and which accounts are immutable and unchangeable and presented before the Legislature as such, it is found that E. B. Railway had a net profit of Rs. 139 Lakhs in 1949-50. I call it a part of my speech. So, Sir, E. B. Railway had a net profit of Rs. 195 lakhs in 1948-49 and a net profit of Rs. 139 lakhs in 1949-50. But Annexure ‘G’ page 51 of the Appropriation Accounts, part I of the Pakistan Railway, 1951-52 show that E. B. Railway suffered a loss of Rs. 95 lakhs in 1948 49 and a loss of Rs. 107 lakhs in 1949 50. Such reversal of certified and immutable account is not only preposterous and unthinkable in any commercial concern but the same is even actionable in law. To add to the wonders, the present management of the Railway still tries to argue out this too obvious contradiction in their accounts in 1948-49 and 1949-50 that they had some other accounts of debits, not taken into consideration in the profit and loss Accounts of these two years. The management at the same time vehemently maintains that profit and loss accounts of those years are perfectly correct. Explanation cannot possibly be clumsier and more stupid. In a word, E. B. Railway must have been a profitable concern, though it has made only a nominal profit as is shown in the positive difference between the incoming and outgoing of E. B. Railway in the Accountant General, Pakistan Revenue’s returns. But from 1950-51, it has been a deliberate effort of the Railway Administration to represent E. B. Railway as a losing concern throughout, even by reversing previous accounts to cover up their gross mismanagement and bungling of the worst type.
In fact, if E. B. Railway administration was only tolerably efficient, it could have earned a respectable amount of profit in place of a nominal profit of Rs. 21 lakhs a year. Even the profit and loss accounts in the Appropriation Accounts of Pakistan Railway underestimate profit by deducting from gross earnings an average charge of about Rs. 120 lakhs a year for the entire capital account of the E. B. Railway assets, the bulk of which has been received as an inheritance from pre-partition India and not formed by any subsequent capital expenditure. The entire interest charge has moreover been made over to the Central Railway Reserve Fund rather than to the Reserve Fund of the E. B. Railway. Moreover appropriation to the depreciation fund, from the gross earnings have also worked out to an annual average of Rs. 99 lakhs. Accounting apart, expenses of the E. B. Railway were unnecessarily inflated by purchasing from Japan 25 MGYD class locomotives at a cost of Rs. 150 lakhs, 10 diesel engines at a cost of Rs. I crore, 13 XB engines at I crore and 700 wagons at a cost of Rs. 210 lakhs, in all costing Rs. 560 lakhs, all of which are lying idle and cannot be used.
The losses due to this only works up to Rs. 80 lakhs a year. Moreover nine old but good engines of E. B. Railway were made over to North Western – Railway at their depreciated book values and in their place nine diesel engines were bought by E. B. Railway on Which interest charge was made heavier hereby. Again E. B. Railway has suffered an average annual loss of Rs. 12 lakhs a year, by maintaining a surplus staff of pre-partition India and by giving expatriation allowance of about Rs. 2 lakhs a year for employees preferring domicile in the Western wing of the country.
If E. B. Railway were and are even tolerably efficiently managed, it could easily give and can give an annual profit of Rs. 300 lakhs. A question may be asked here, how could E. B. Railway mismanage and bungle its affairs so badly as to bring it to the level of nearly no profit. The answer is simple. The Railway Division of the Ministry of communications could not maintain any effective control from distant Karachi on the Chittagong management who worked like little dictators and did whatever they liked. It has been the general experience that whenever control and check on commercial concerns have been slack, bungling have inevitably taken place. E. B. Railway also has not been an exception. Karachi administration could not maintain any effective check on the Chittagong Railway authorities, while East Pakistan Government and the public were helpless onlookers of the bungling that little Railway dictators perpetrated there. It should, therefore, be frankly admitted that commercial concerns like Railways in East Bengal cannot be administered from distant Karachi and as such thee same should be controlled locally as a Provincial subject. Now, you know, Sir there are four heads of Departments and none of them is a Bengali. Deputy head of Departments are four and Bengali is only I. So this is the position. Anyhow I have done with it.
Reference:
Iqbal, S. (1997) Sheikh Mujib in Parliament (1955-58), p. 105-131, Dhaka, Agami Prakashani