“There are two questions of great constitutional importance which must be solved…. In the first place Ireland should be left to determine the form of her government and incidentally to decide upon her relations with Great Britain. Close observers of Irish politics have stated that Ireland, though some of its leaders may talk about a republican form of government, is not at all likely to vote for it if a plebiscite on the question should be taken tomorrow…… The other matter affecting the constitution has a reference to the unity of Ireland…. The advantages of bringing about unity between the Northern and Southern Ireland are obvious.”
FEBRUARY 25, 1936
Mr. De Valera’s gesture
A STATEMENT MADE BY MR. DE VALERA TO THE POLITICAL Correspondent of Reuter, a report of which appears elsewhere, should enable British statesmen to appreciate the Irish point of view more clearly than ever before. The Irish Leader has explained his position in unambiguous terms and the occasion is propitious for a final settlement of the question, especially after Mr. De Valera’s courageous stand by the League and the extension of the coal and meat agreement announced a few days ago. The outstanding questions at issue are well known. There is first of all the problem created by the refusal of Ireland to hand over the land annuities to Great Britain, which precipitated the trade war between the two countries. There have been several suggestions made from either side for a solution of this question and it should not be difficult for Ireland and Great Britain to arrive at an undersanding as regards the tribunal to which the dispute should be referred. The Irish Treaty is the next obstacle to be overcome. After the judgment of the Privy Council, declaring the right of Ireland under the Statute of Westminster to pass its own laws, to abolish appeals to the Privy Council, and to do any of the things which the other dominions are entitled to do under the Statute, it is meaningless that Great Britain should insist on taking its stand on that document, to which a very considerable section of Irishmen was not a consenting party. The highest judicial tribunal has declared that that Treaty has in reality been superseded by the Statute of Westminster. Then there is the question of defence. Ireland resents the control of the defence of Ireland by the British Navy and the existence of facilities for coastal defence by air, and oil fuel storage which Ireland is now bound to provide. It may be that Ireland would consent to the arrangements now in force provided that they were arrived at by negotiation afresh on a basis of equality between the two countries. Here again, the way is clear for an agreement. Mr. De Valera has emphatically reiterated the view that an independent Ireland would never allow itself to be used as a base of attack.
There are two questions of great constitutional importance which must be solved and to which Mr. De Valera has referred in his statement to Reuter. In the first place, Ireland should be left to determine the form of her government and, incidentally, to decide upon her relations with Great Britain. Close observers of Irish politics have stated that Ireland, though some of its leaders may talk about a republican form of government, is not at all likely to vote for it if a plebiscite on the question should be taken tomorrow. Considering that the present fusion government in South Africa has allowed discretion to its members to do propaganda for a republican form of government, it should not be very difficult to satisfy Mr. De Valera that Ireland would be perfectly free to exercise its right of self-determination. In any case, a compromise can be reached on the basis of the Statute of Westminster. The other matter affecting the constitution has a reference to the unity of Ireland. Mr. De Valera says that if Northern Ireland had been consulted before Ireland was divided only one-third of the area of the six counties now constituting Northern Ireland, would have shown a unionist majority. However, that may be, the advantages of bringing about unity between the Northern and Southern Ireland are obvious. Home Rule on the basis of the Statute of Westminster has been suggested for Northern Ireland. A Federal Ireland is another proposal that has been put forward. Any decision on this question can only be brought about if Great Britain shows herself really anxious to end the present impasse and the government of Northern Ireland is willing to come to terms with Southern Ireland.
Reference:
The First 100
A Selection of Editorials, 1878-1978, THE HINDU, VOLUME I