The new Viceroy, Mr. Wood (later Lord Irwin) was said to be interested in improving agriculture, which was his forte. THE HINDU: “India is a subject nation and ought to be grateful for small mercies…. But her malady today is political subjection from which she wants to be relieved if she should improve economically, industrially and even agriculturally. It is no good to think of improving agriculture in its technical side alone; there may be a good deal in removing the evil, as far as it could be done, of minute sub-division of land and in introducing intensive methods. But the ryot, even under the present condition, can stand up if the intolerable burdens imposed on him without his consent are lightened, if he is provided with an incentive to develop his holding. This cannot be done without altering the whole system of administration for there can be no relief in taxation till the huge expenditure on defence is considerably reduced…”.
NOVEMBER 14, 1925
Side-tracking
PROFESSOR GANGULEE HAS REASON TO CONGRATULATE HIMSELF on the success of his efforts to get Lord Birkenhead interest himself in Indian agriculture, for Mr. E. F. L. Wood has been appointed as Viceroy, and what is a loss to the British beet sugar industry is, we are told, sure to prove a gain to the most important industry of India. In fact, Mr. Wood promises, if accounts of him are to be believed, to teach the peasant to grow two blades of corn where one grew before and thus entitle himself to be called a saviour of this country, if not of mankind. India is a subject nation and ought to be grateful for small mercies. Sir Frederick Whyte testifies in his article to The Evening News, a cabled summary of which, sent to a contemporary, will be found elsewhere, to the patience of Indians and to their sense of gratitude. But her malady to-day is political subjection from which she wants to be relieved if she should improve economically, industrially and even agriculturally. It is no good to think of improving agriculture in its technical side alone; there may be a good deal in removing the evil, as far as it could be done, of minute sub-division of land, and in introducing intensive methods. But the ryot, even under the present conditions, can stand up if the intolerable burdens imposed on him without his consent are lightened, if he is provided with an incentive to develop his holding. This cannot be done without altering the whole system of administration, for there can be no relief in taxation till the huge expenditure on defence is considerably reduced, which will come only with the control over the budget by the people’s representatives, which, in its turn, depends upon Home Rule. It is therefore a profound mistake to think that any of the economic problems are capable of solution till the root evil of foreign domination is removed. But that is a reform against which the British Government has set its heart, as is clear from Mr. Wood’s appointment. The Times blurts out the truth when it says that the Viceroy-elect would have three questions to tackle. One is agriculture, his special forte, the second is the situation presented by ill-governed Feudatory States, a matter which certainly requires scrutiny and the third is the modification of the administrative methods of the political constitution of the Indian Empire,” a high-sounding phrase which conveys nothing more than that, taking the constitution as it is, consideration would be given as to the improvements which have to be made in order to work it better. In other to work it better. In other words, the majority report of the Muddiman Committee would be examined, not with a view to the adoption of all the proposals made therein, but to select such of them as in the opinion of the bureaucracy, may be introduced without danger to the Raj. That sums the high policy which Mr. Wood is being sent to India to carry out. India has no reason to indulge in any hope hereafter that Great Britain, if it can help it, can be persuaded to revise the constitution before 1929.
It is no doubt true that Lord Birkenhead told the House of Lords that the Government had not arrived at any decisions on the question and that they would do so after consulting the Legislative Assembly. A formal despatch may yet emanate from the India Office, as one did during the time when Viscount Peel was Secretary of State on the Mazumdar resolution. But it does not need a prophet’s mind to read the contents of that document after the official attitude during the historic debate in the Assembly, the frigid speeches of Lord Reading and the latest pronouncement of Mr. Baldwin. The official slogan is: work the reforms and show us you are fit for self-government. India’s reply is, in spite of what Lord Sinha may say to the contrary, that she does not recognise the right of England to dictate to her or test her capacity, much less to set the pace of political advance. But is there any honesty behind this churlish demand to work dyarchy? Sir Frederick Whyte has shown up the hollowness of this burden of the official song, and demonstrated the urgent need of advance, in any view of the case. In his article to which reference has been made above, he has reiterated his views even more clearly and emphatically. Bengal may have damned itself – a view, incidentally, with which we differ – but Madras, Bombay, the United Provinces and the Punjab have admittedly done well. Why do you withhold further Reforms from them, if you are sincere in your professions? On the other hand, if you think that Indians are unfit, you have no sufficient material to arrive at that conclusion. Before you do that, “before any man, Indian or European, presumes to pass judgment upon contemporary political India, he should give Indian public men scope to show what they have in them. They should be given much larger opportunities of proving their quality before you can pronounce them to be unfit.” We cannot have a better or more informed condemnation of British attitude than this striking pronouncement. Nor does Sir Frederick think much about the things said of Mahatma Gandhi’s movement, for Indians would not be worth their salt if they did not protest against the pressure of the alien.” You occupied – the present tense would be more exact – all important posts in the Army and the Civil Services and after thus denying Indians every opportunity to show their responsibility, you complain if they, like the trodden worm, turn against you. Sir Frederick has done a service to India by thus exposing the brazen illogicality of the trustee.”
Reference:
The First 100
A Selection of Editorials, 1878-1978, THE HINDU, VOLUME I